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Guest Scáthach

Tacitus explains the policy of his father-in-law, Agricola, in enslaving the Britons:

'His object was to accustom them to a life of peace and quiet by the provision of amenities. He therefore gave official assistance to the building of temples, public squares and good houses. He educated the sons of the chiefs in the liberal arts, and expressed a preference for British ability as compared to the trained skills of the Gauls. The result was that instead of loathing the Latin language they became eager to speak it effectively. In the same way, our national dress came into favour and the toga was everywhere to be seen. And so the population was gradually led into the demoralizing temptation of arcades, baths and sumptuous banquets. The unsuspecting Britons spoke of such novelties as 'civilization', when in fact they were only a feature of their enslavement.'

Tacitus Agricola chapter 21

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Guest Scáthach

In 1807, February 9, Napoleon Bonaparte issued a decree prohibiting usury. Upon being shown a table of interest charges, he reflected for a while and made the following comment:

"The deadly facts herein revealed, lead me to wonder that this monster, interest, has not devoured the whole human race. It would have done so long ago if bankruptcy and revolutions had not acted as counter poisons."

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Guest Scáthach

"..subjective and objective violence cannot be perceived from the same standpoint: subjective violence is experienced as such against the background of a non-violent zero level. It is seen as a perturbation of the 'normal', peaceful state of things. However, objective violence is precisely the violence inherent to this 'normal' state of things. Objective violence is invisible since it sustains the very zero-level standard against which we perceive something as subjectively violent. Systemic violence is thus something like the notorious 'dark matter' of physics, the counterpart to an all too visible subjective violence. It may be invisible, but it has to be taken into account if one is to make sense of what otherwise seem to be 'irrational' explosions of subjective violence."

 

-Slavoj Zizek, Violence

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Guest Scáthach

"lf the attribute of popular government in peace is virtue, the attribute of popular government in revolution is at one and the same time virtue and terror, virtue without which terror is fatal, terror without which virtue is impotent. Terror is nothing but justice; prompt, severe, inflexible. It is thus an emanation of virtue."

 

- Maximilien Robespierre, Speech to the National Convention on the 5th February 1794

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Guest Scáthach

"This whole Jewish world, comprising a single exploiting sect, a kind of blood sucking people, a kind of organic destructive collective parasite, going beyond not only the frontiers of states, but of political opinion, this world is now, at least for the most part, at the disposal of Marx on the one hand, and of Rothschild on the other... This may seem strange. What can there be in common between socialism and a leading bank? The point is that authoritarian socialism, Marxist communism, demands a strong centralisation of the state. And where there is centralisation of the state, there must necessarily be a central bank, and where such a bank exists, the parasitic Jewish nation, speculating with the Labour of the people, will be found."

 

- Mikhail Bakunin

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Guest Scáthach

"The Jew is immunized against all dangers: one may call him a scoundrel, parasite, swindler, profiteer, it all runs off him like water off a raincoat. But call him a Jew and you will be astonished at how he recoils, how injured he is, how he suddenly shrinks back: “I’ve been found out.”

 

...One cannot defend himself against the Jew... Quickly he turns the attacker’s charges back on him, and the attacker becomes the liar, the troublemaker, the terrorist. Nothing could be more mistaken than to defend oneself. That is just what the Jew wants. He can invent a new lie every day for the enemy to respond to, and the result is that the enemy spends so much time defending himself that he has no time to do what the Jew really fears: to attack. The accused has become the accuser, and loudly he shoves the accuser into the dock. So it always was in the past when a person or a movement fought the Jew."

 

 

- Joseph Goebbels

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Guest Scáthach

"It is in the nature of things that the march of reason should be slow and gradual. The most depraved government finds powerful support in the prejudices, the habits, the education of peoples. Despotism even corrupts men's minds to the point of making them adore it, to the point of making liberty appear suspect and frightening at first sight."

 

- Maximilian Robespierre, Extracts from 'On the War', 2nd-11th January 1792

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Guest Scáthach

"And, perhaps, the prohibition to embrace a belief with a full passion explains why, today, "culture" is emerging as the central life-world category. Religion is permitted — not as a substantial way of life, but as a particular "culture" or, rather, life-style phenomenon: what legitimizes it is not its immanent truth-claim but the way it allows us to express our innermost feelings and attitudes. We no longer "really believe," we just follow (some of the) religious rituals and mores as part of the respect for the "life-style" of the community to which we belong (recall the proverbial non-believing Jew who obeys kosher rules "out of respect for tradition"). "I do not really believe in it, it is just part of my culture" effectively seems to be the predominant mode of the disavowed/displaced belief characteristic of our times: what is a "cultural life-style" if not the fact that, although we do not believe in Santa Claus, there is a Christmas tree in every house and even in public places every December? Perhaps, then, "culture" is the name for all those things we practice without really believing in them, without "taking them seriously." Is this not also the reason why science is not part of this notion of culture — it is all too real? And is this also not why we dismiss fundamentalist believers as "barbarians," as anti-cultural, as a threat to culture — they dare to take seriously their beliefs? Today, we ultimately perceive as a threat to culture those who immediately live their culture, those who lack a distance towards it. Recall the outrage when, three years ago, the Taliban forces in Afghanistan dynamited the ancient Buddhist statues at Bamiyan: although none of us, enlightened Westerners, believed in the divinity of Buddha, we were so outraged because the Taliban Muslims did not show the appropriate respect for the "cultural heritage" of their own country and the entire humanity. Instead of believing through the other like all people of culture, they really believed in their own religion and thus had no great sensitivity for the cultural value of the monuments of other religions — for them, the Buddha statues were just fake idols, not "cultural treasures."

 

- Slavoj Zizek

 

http://www.lacan.com/passion.htm

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Guest Scáthach

!The practical thing for a nation which has stumbled upon one of the turning-points of history is not to behave as though nothing very important were involved, as if it did not matter whether it turned to the right or to the left, went up hill or down dale, provided that it continued doing with a little more energy what it has done hitherto; but to consider whether what it has done hitherto is wise, and if it is not wise, to alter it."

 

- R.H. Tawney, 'The Acquisitive Society'.

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Guest Scáthach

"if the Americans' aims behind these wars are religious and economic, the aim is also to serve the Jews' petty state and divert attention from its occupation of Jerusalem and murder of Muslims there. The best proof of this is their eagerness to destroy Iraq, the strongest neighboring Arab state, and their endeavor to fragment all the states of the region such as Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Sudan into paper statelets and through their disunion and weakness to guarantee Israel's survival and the continuation of the brutal crusade occupation of the Peninsula."

- Sheikh Osama bin Laden

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Guest Scáthach

"The next real literary “rebels” in this country might well emerge as some weird bunch of anti-rebels, born oglers who dare somehow to back away from ironic watching, who have the childish gall actually to endorse and instantiate single-entendre principles. Who treat of plain old untrendy human troubles and emotions in U.S. life with reverence and conviction. Who eschew self-consciousness and hip fatigue. These anti-rebels would be outdated, of course, before they even started. Dead on the page. Too sincere. Clearly repressed. Backward, quaint, naive, anachronistic. Maybe that’ll be the point. Maybe that’s why they’ll be the next real rebels. Real rebels, as far as I can see, risk disapproval. The old postmodern insurgents risked the gasp and squeal: shock, disgust, outrage, censorship, accusations of socialism, anarchism, nihilism. Today’s risks are different. The new rebels might be artists willing to risk the yawn, the rolled eyes, the cool smile, the nudged ribs, the parody of gifted ironists, the “Oh how banal.” To risk accusations of sentimentality, melodrama. Of overcredulity. Of softness. Of willingness to be suckered by a world of lurkers and starers who fear gaze and ridicule above imprisonment without law. Who knows."

- David Foster Wallace

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Guest Scáthach

"Marx’s key insight remains valid, perhaps more than ever: for Marx, the question of freedom should not be located primarily in the political sphere proper (Does a country have free elections? Are its judges independent? Is its press free from hidden pressures? Does it respect human rights?). Rather, the key to actual freedom resides in the “apolitical” network of social relations, from the market to the family. Here the change required is not political reform but a transformation of the social relations of production — which entails precisely revolutionary class struggle rather than democratic elections or any other “political” measure in the narrow sense of the term. We do not vote on who owns what, or about relations in the factory, and so on — such matters remain outside the sphere of the political, and it is illusory to expect that one will effectively change things by “extending” democracy into the economic sphere (by, say, reorganizing the banks to place them under popular control). Radical changes in this domain need to be made outside the sphere of legal “rights.” In “democratic” procedures (which, of course, can have a positive role to play), no matter how radical our anti-capitalism, solutions are sought solely through those democratic mechanisms which themselves form part of the apparatuses of the “bourgeois” state that guarantees the undisturbed reproduction of capital. In this precise sense, Badiou was right to claim that today the name of the ultimate enemy is not capitalism, empire, exploitation, or anything similar, but democracy itself. It is the “democratic illusion,” the acceptance of democratic mechanisms as providing the only framework for all possible change, which prevents any radical transformation of capitalist relations."

 

- Slavoj Zizek

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That's an excellent quote a chara.  A couple of years ago, myself and other comrades considered the question of human rights, and it appeared to us that here was a weapon of enemy power, and not a system for improving the lives of real people.  The fact is that human rights only appear when the community disappears.  In a healthy community, human rights make no sense whatsoever. You will not starve to death - not because you have a human right to a minimum level of subsistence, but because it would the an unthinkable shame to your friends, family and neighbours to leave you starving and homeless.  It is only when the all the natural human ties - as Marx and Engels put it - are broken down and replaced with ties of money, that human rights come into being.

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Guest Scáthach

That's an excellent quote a chara. A couple of years ago, myself and other comrades considered the question of human rights, and it appeared to us that here was a weapon of enemy power, and not a system for improving the lives of real people. The fact is that human rights only appear when the community disappears. In a healthy community, human rights make no sense whatsoever. You will not starve to death - not because you have a human right to a minimum level of subsistence, but because it would the an unthinkable shame to your friends, family and neighbours to leave you starving and homeless. It is only when the all the natural human ties - as Marx and Engels put it - are broken down and replaced with ties of money, that human rights come into being.

I think this is precisely what Tacitus meant when he said, regarding the Germanic tribes conquered by Rome, that customs and tradition were better than any law. These so-called rights are simply a natural consequence that will arise from a healthy society and strong community. When they need to be enforced by law it only shows, as you say, that all natural ties have been broken down, that the society is no longer healthy.

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Guest Scáthach

On that note here's another relevant quote:

"It is no measure of health to be well adjusted to a profoundly sick society." - Jiddu Krishnamurti

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Guest Scáthach

"There is a saying of the elders' that goes, 'Step from under the eaves and you're a dead man. Leave the gate and the enemy is waiting.' This is not a matter of being careful. It is to consider oneself as dead beforehand."

 

- Yamamoto Tsunetomo, Hagakure

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"Do they not travel through the earth, and see what was the end of those who came before them? They were superior to them in strength: they tilled the soil and populated it in greater numbers than these have done: there came to them their messengers with Clear Signs, which they rejected, to their own destruction: It was not God Who wronged them, but they wronged their own souls." - {Qur'an 30:9}

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Guest Scáthach

after Al-Kamil defeated the Franks during the Crusades, Oliverus Scholasticus praised the Islamic laws of war, commenting on how Al-Kamil supplied the defeated Frankish army with food:[14]

“Who could doubt that such goodness, friendship and charity come from God? Men whose parents, sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, had died in agony at our hands, whose lands we took, whom we drove naked from their homes, revived us with their own food when we were dying of hunger and showered us with kindness even when we were in their power."[15]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islamic_military_jurisprudence#Ethics_of_warfare

 

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Guest Scáthach

"The smart way to keep people passive and obedient is to strictly limit the spectrum of acceptable opinion, but allow very lively debate within that spectrum"

 

Noam Chomsky, The Common Good

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Guest Scáthach

"You must understand that this war is not against Hitler or National Socialism, but against the strength of the German people, which is to be smashed once and for all, regardless of whether it is in the hands of Hitler or a Jesuit priest."

- Winston Churchill,1940

 

"The blood of every single Englishman is too valuable to be shed, our two people belong together racially and traditionally - this has always been my aim even if our Generals can't grasp it."

- Adolf Hitler, 1940 (after allowing the British to escape at Dunkirk)

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Guest Scáthach

"Generally speaking, the main hurdle in the way of peace is the continuation of oppression and occupation. If the hands of a tyrant are not held from committing cruelty, and invaders are not forced out of the country, then peace is not possible. Because peace is part of justice and justice cannot be achieved in the presence of oppression."

 

- Unknown Taliban Spokesman

 

http://shahamat-english.com/peace-is-a-national-process-not-within-the-ambit-of-outsiders-to-accomplish/

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Guest Scáthach
But most are deceived in the same manner as Theopompus the orator, when he blames Plato for defining everything, " For what," says he, "did none of us, before you, use the words good and /art, or did we utter them as empty sounds, without understanding what each of them meant? " Why, who tells you, Theopompus, that we had not natural ideas and pre-conceptions of each of these? But it is not possible to adapt pre-conceptions to their corre- spondent subjects, without having minutely distinguished them, and examined what is the proper subject to each."

- Epictetus, The Moral Discourses

 

 

Those who are strangely hesitant to define Fascism are very like this Theopompus guy

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Guest Scáthach

“They have plundered the world, stripping naked the land in their hunger… they are driven by greed, if their enemy be rich; by ambition, if poor… They ravage, they slaughter, they seize by false pretenses, and all of this they hail as the construction of empire. And when in their wake nothing remains but a desert, they call that peace.”

 

― Tacitus, The Agricola and The Germania

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Guest Scáthach

"We feel free because we lack the very language to articulate our unfreedom."

 

― Slavoj Zizek, Welcome to the Desert of the Real!

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