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FARC–EP Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia — Ejército del Pueblo

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Whose Peace?


On 18 October with the installation of the dialogue table, between the Colombian government and the FARC in Oslo Norway started stage two, a new and laudable effort for peace in Colombia.


The differences between the parties, which sprouted in pronounced flow, both in words and in protocol Press Conference, ignited the minds of the great media and commentators of the regime, which have hurt torpedoed and processes previous peace.


This negative charge which now throws the future of the talks, harms these efforts and contradicts the optimistic aura of the previous days.

We must be realistic, achieving a stable and lasting peace, goes through a process of construction and long-term, which requires a lot of understanding, flexibility and tolerance of the opponents, in which not only the government and the insurgency are the bearers of this laudable goal, but the entire nation with its regional, sectoral, generational and cultural.


Hopefully the big media reflect and understand that this behavior creates mistrust and sow not help but gives strength to the enemies of peace to get stronger sticks to the wheels.


If you really are considering ending the conflict so that Colombians can finally live in peace, it is necessary to surround the table with healthy criticism to failures that may occur, understanding that dialogue among contending that they are human, that defend opposing ideas and projects, and carry the body of wounds and feelings caused by half a century of war.


It is comfortable watching a bullfight from the sidelines and disqualifying postures and biased, from one corner and interests of the contestants. This biased way of acting, mars bloodless way out, claiming the vast majority of the nation and serves and commitment, not to peace but to a party that seeks to resolve the conflict with nothing changed for all remains the same.


Understandably, there arise questions and others as the days pass and distrust and lack of credibility on both sides about how and at what cost is achieved by ending the conflict, so that peace may reign.


The question, really is a country's future for all and not just for a few and that involves making changes? If so, the process should not torpedearse starts, but braced with the help of the different social sectors that have historically worked for peace and have become a source of constant struggle.


Not only is the guerrillas, as some claim, which should make efforts towards peace, but also the oligarchy counterpart, through the government that represents it, disabling the root causes that fuel conflict and internal, which is not only armed, but also and mainly social.


The Colombian people who suffers the effects of conflict, should be the real protagonist in the effort to end the conflict that is another chapter in the past, in national history.

It is sensible that the Government planned to reduce the participation of a dynamic society of some forums, arguing that enrich the dialogue table, when the reality is that organizations are popular and social dynamics of struggle to demand their place at a peace process, which should be closely linked and the perspective to solve the problems that concern the majority.


If the government does not understand those realities and seeks pigeonhole society's struggle for peace, only to the narrow confines of a conference worn by corruption, parapolitics and the interests of powerful groups of elites, the longed-for peace end up being a frustration.


This time must show the greatness of the disputing parties, reassure society, proving that peace of which we speak is the real bet where there are no winners or losers but winners, because Colombia is the country begins to build justice and equity, democracy and sovereignty, which will bring reconciliation based on respect and recognition of each and every Colombian

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The ELN has repeatedly questioned in a public policy of privatization of strategic sectors of the economy, de-industrialization and de-agrarianization the country.

Agricultural production goes through a deep crisis, to the point of self-sufficiency and to export farm products, today Colombia imports more than 10 tons per year of agricultural products once produced, to the detriment of food security.


Recent governments following the neoliberal creed, renounced plans to promote local industry development and support for peasant agriculture, turning toward efforts prioritizing export production and plans to convert Colombia, par excellence, in a mining country and producer of biofuels.


More than two years JM Santos begins receiving setbacks in implementing the illusion of "Mining Plan-2019", the former President Uribe, and he adopted as one of the five locomotives calls for the development of the country.


This neoliberal plan for the benefit of a small minority and foreign corporations, aggravates the situation and social environment of the communities living in the nearly 30 million acres, given to multinationals for mining.


Clearly the desperation to find new resources to ensure the looting and satisfy more than one hundred multinationals who entered the country under the illusion of safety and juicy gabelas investor offered by the government.


The 2019 mine plan, supplemented by that of the five locomotives including mining and energy, aims to produce more than one million barrels of oil.

To date average production has remained at 934,000 bpd. Oil accounts for a little more than 50% of revenue coming into the country for exports, about U.S. $ 60,000 million, which will go down the drain of the corrupt bureaucracy, without the benefit of communities, which receive only crumbs .


The main oil production in 10 fields. In 2011, according to the Ministry of Mines and Energy, 50.4% of all production is generated in the fields located in the Meta and the rest, in the fields of Arauca, Santander, Casanare and Putumayo.


-. Rubiales field in Meta, consecionado to Pacific Rubiales Energy, a Canadian operator, is the one that produces 220,000 barrels per day (18% of national production);

-. Castilla in Meta.

-. Caño Limón in Arauca, consecionado Oxy, U.S. carrier.

-. Northern Castile, in Meta.

-. Cira in Santander. Between 5 produce about 30% of the national total.


In 2003, oil reserves were 1.5 billion barrels and 28 exploratory wells, in 2010, the reserves reached 2.0 million.


There is a clear deficit in the goal of exploration and exploitation. In 2011, 126 wells were drilled from the 150 who had a goal, of which 35 were producers, 53 are in evidence and 38 dry.


In the first half of 2012, 63 wells were drilled, 16 were dry and 47 were tested.


At this time and with the current production, Colombia ranks third in crude oil production in South America after Venezuela and Brazil, and sixth in gas production.

Million barrels per day.


1. Venezuela ...... 2720000

2. Brazil .......... 2,193,000

3. Colombia ........ 934,000

4. Ecuador ......... 509,000

5. Argentina ...... 2,500


The mining and energy plan faces difficulties to meet the proposed goal, one of which is the slow increase reserves and production wells, with great effort has been established crude oil reserves of 2 billion barrels, resulting many dry wells and others in testing.


To this must be added the rejection of communities, environmentalists, workers, academics and patriots in general as well as the actions of the insurgents who oppose the transnationals to take wealth and tunnels left alone and still life.


The position and the ELN demands on the extraction of natural resources, is that they serve for national development, the welfare of communities and is made with nature protection.


Also national majorities be participants in the analysis, discussion and definition of the country we all want and transformations and changes necessary for the solution to the social and armed conflict and peace, a concrete reality.

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ELN Statement






The thrust of the scheme with its security forces, to the territories of South Western Front War, to attack native and ancestral communities, farmers and miners and settlers originating, aims to put to service these areas and their natural resources, to the guts of the multinationals, which purpose is the looting of all these riches, which are the common property of the people, where life itself is at stake


So the struggle for national sovereignty and territory is to fly the flag for all the oppressed and exploited in this country. Today more than ever our ELN, near the village and all its social and political expressions, walk together in the way of finding true peace building, for the solution to the internal conflict in the country for over 50 years .


The military operation "SWORD OF HONOR" is an important part of the comprehensive plan of the regime, with malevolent intent of death and terror, hence the creation of task forces of Poseidon, Apollo and Pegasus, with more than 35.000.unidades occupy the region to raze self management plans and sovereignty that the inhabitants have built a lifetime.


In our effort to build and support the popular struggle integral, which are dedicated to the most important part of our lives insurgent, we also developed a military response and, accordingly inform the country and the southwest Colombia that:


On November 12 at 10 and 30 hours, our surprise guerrilla forces stormed a position of Special Operations Brigade 90th Battalion belonging to the government army Cisneros, whose mission was to maintain security in the trans-Andean Pipeline corregimientos Diviso and Junín, belonging to the municipality of barbecues, on the highway to Tumaco Narino Department.


As a result of this action is the enemy caused the following casualties:

5 soldiers killed

3 soldiers wounded


Retrieved ordnance following:

1 M 40 machine gun assault.

2 cannons and 5 strings for it.

1-A Galil assault rifle caliber 2.23

1 A mine detector.

5 Teams with important military intelligence material.

2 Vests.

4 Suppliers.

Two cell phones.

1 Camera.

310 cartridges caliber 2.23.

2 military uniforms

Several electric fuses.

1 military helmet.

2 bednets military.


Our forces retreated safely


South Western Front Carlos Alberto Guerra Troches

National Liberation Army - ELN


For a New Nation Government Peace and Equity.

Colombia for workers release any step backwards or Death.

Mountains in Southwestern Colombia

November 2012

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If they and other progressives are allowed to organise openly (as they were prevented from doing during the union patriotica) they'll take power via bourgeois elections.

Thats the principle difference between Colombia and struggles by leftists in many other countries. I just hope the FARC know what they're doing, if it turns into a repeat of the mid-80s, they'll be in serious trouble, particularly with the government's demand that they surrender their weapons.

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Colombian Army Murdered Civilians To Boost “FARC” Body Count

BOGOTA – These were the words allegedly uttered by a former commander of the Colombian Army, General Mario Montoya: ”Take them down, take them down. Don’t bring me prisoners. And if there is nobody down [sic], just find a way.”

Such is the testimony of jailed former captain Enrique Guevara Cantillo who has been making allegations about the complicity of senior military figures in the affair of “False Positives,” the extra-judicial killings of civilians that have tarnished the Colombian Army’s reputation.

The statements made by Guevara, a soldier until 2004 but also a member of a paramilitary gang beginning in 1998, were published last month on the website Las2Orillas (hacked that day to prevent their diffusion).

The words contain assertions that confirm what many of us have long suspected: that the early successes of President Uribe’s Democratic Security policies, which dramatically curbed violence and crime in Colombia, were the fruit of an alliance between the Armed Forces and right-wing paramilitaries. It seems the unresolved scandal of False Positives – hapless civilians murdered and later “counted” as guerrillas shot in combat was a policy of the Colombian state.

Guevara was the face of this alliance, simultaneously belonging to two armed groups, with full knowledge of his commanding officers and of paramilitaries, he says. Among paramilitaries, the captain was known as 101, and considered a very close associate of Jorge 40, a paramilitary chief and trafficker extradited to the United States in 2008. Jorge 40 is suspected of taking part in or ordering several massacres, and has confessed to at least one – in that case, of 40 fishermen.

“Rogues,” really?

The former captain spoke about his activities in those years in an interview with the journalist Gonzalo Guillén given in a prison in the port of Barranquilla in September 2013, but revealed only now. These he said, included implementing General Montoya’s direct orders to execute “false positives.”

Let’s look at some of Guevara’s revelations. The former captain firstly describes a meeting from 2002 held in the Sierra Nevada national park in northern Colombia, at a time when FARC kidnappings were one of the country’s main problems. The Army and paramilitaries decided to divide that area and coordinate their operations, and by 2004, kidnappings had dropped substantially. The agreement made then included Captain Guevara leading paramilitaries dressed as professional soldiers during operations.

Any description of the Democratic Security policy must recognize that the alliance between the military and paramiltaries was neither anomalous nor exceptional, but an integral part of the strategy to fight the guerrillas in Colombia. The successes attained in reducing crimes such as kidnapping were the result of that illegal alliance.

Secondly, “false positive” killings followed pressures from the Presidential office, which wantedquantifiable results in the fight against FARC. What Guevara Cantillo has said is that General Montoya was constantly asking for casualties, even if they were not guerrillas killed in combat. 

The former captain describes the system as follows: Senior officials or commanders demanded deaths, and officers sometimes coordinated with paramilitaries who should be killed, then legalized their victims as “false positives,”through written orders to carry out fictitious operations. Those executing “false positives” were junior officers and the rank-and-file troops.

Explanations given about “rogue elements” killing to claim promised rewards do not take into account the scale of this problem. State institutions would be shaken in their entirety if there were a public showdown over this issue – which is why it is merely picked at on its peripheries.

General Montoya and Colonel Édgar Iván Quiñones Cárdenas (a major when Guevara was captain, and today the deputy-head of the Army’s Ninth Brigade) are the officers most damaged by Guevara’s allegations.

At one point, we find out that the State ordered a halt to the practice of “false positives.” If there had not been complicity at all levels, that order would not have been followed so quickly by different levels of the military hierarchy. Those so-called “rogue elements” would have merrily continued their killing spree.





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