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At last, Napali Communists have cleaned themselves of the Adamsite type traitors, who have betrayed everything that Comrade Mao, Lenin and Karl Marx stood for. A new Revolutionary party has been formed. The Nepal Communist Party (Maoist). This thread will be dedicated to the progress of this party of genuine Communists.

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In depth Q&A with the leader of the new group, Kiran here http://www.wprmbritain.org/?p=1404



The following quote says all that we need to know, and certainly we can identify with this:


I’m not saying that we shouldn’t compromise, we should but while compromising, the act of abandoning our entire basis (achievements) has happened.

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While the revolutionary CPN(M) go from stregth to strength, the revisionist traitors left behind in the UCPN (described in a lovely turn of phrase in this article, as Judas goats) are at each other's throats



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For those who didn't read the article and aren't familiar with what a Judas goat is:


A Judas goat is a trained goat used at a slaughterhouse and in general animal herding. The Judas goat is trained to associate with sheep or cattle, leading them to a specific destination. In stockyards, a Judas goat will lead sheep to slaughter, while its own life is spared. Judas goats are also used to lead other animals to specific pens and onto trucks. They have fallen out of use in recent times, but can still be found in various smaller slaughterhouses in some parts of the world.

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Maoism caters much better for the peasant class in largely agrarian societies, something that traditional Marxism had underestimated, concentrating on the industrialised masses. The distinction between Maoism and Marxist-Leninism tends to break down to the divide between industrialised and agrarian societies which is why you see little Maoism in the developed world, but it is currently strident in rural South Asia and South America.


The association with armed struggle is probably more to do with the practical experience of Mao compared to the Russian revolution than anything particularly ideological. In China, a revolution was built up and fought for every step of the way, liberating territory as they went along. While in Russia, State power came to the Bolsheviks almost bloodlessly (through the February bourgeois revolution, and the subsequent October siezing of power by the Bolsheviks). The blood came afterwards through the counter-revolution that was the Civil War.


Having to liberate territory bit by bit before ultimately taking control of the State gave Mao plenty of time to consider (and write about) military tactics and strategy.


Sovietism, or the formation of Soviets (which in Russia were huge industrial bodies, similar in size to modern day Unions) was the industrial equivalent. Workplaces instead of the countryside form the battlefield, and military tactics are not as effective as employees are dependent on their employer for sustenance and more easily arrested and dealt with by the system. Strikes, and the taking over of industrial production, are the chosen tactics.


Practical differences rather than ideological ones really.


Maoism is often criticised by its tendency to form alliances with non-working class/non-peasant classes in the struggle. It sees a stage of revolution in creating a "New Democracy", essentially when the existing State has been taken over by the combination of the revolutionary elements and whatever alliances they have made. But you have to remember that Mao was writing for a feudal society, and that his New Democracy replaced capitalism as the successor to feudalism. He believed that you could go from feudalism to communism without the need to enter industrial capitalism.


The theory was that this "New Democracy" would be implemented and used as a staging post to implementing communism. Of course any such alliances or transitional stages are ripe for reformism and opportunism, as we have recently seen in Nepal. I must say I have grave reservations about this "New Democracy" stagist approach myself, as unless the working class is sufficiently strong (theoretically and physically) it is more likely to be a staging post to only a new bourgeois order.


Marxism-Leninism however has fared just as badly however when it comes to reformism, where party after party across the world have entered into bourgeois governments, to the extent now that some of the states in India where the Maoists are actually fighting State forces where Marxist-Leninist parties are in government!!


I don't see the criticism of the reformist tendencies in either to be valid criticisms of Marxism-Leninism or Maoism themselves. Any reformism, entering into bourgeois governments, selling out the revolution, are ultimately betrayals of the doctrine rather than due to it. In all cases, I would say that the mistakes when entering into alliances is to do so from a position of weakness. If you enter into a New Democracy stage without it being fully under the control of the working class, you are setting yourself up for exactly what happened in Ireland in 1922, where your revolution will ultimately be betrayed. Likewise, if you enter into bourgeois trade unionism and parliaments without being strong enough to be a threat to them, then you become absorbed by them.


While the conditions in the industrial West do still require an industrial response, they could learn a lot from the Maoists who are fighting for each piece of liberated territory, step by step, although of course liberated territory in the industrial context must mean more than simply liberating land, which is almost impossible to do in the early stages.


Marxists in industrialised countries seem to believe that the workers will somehow liberate themselves, and that State power will simply fall into their hands as it appears to them that it did in 1917 Russia. They don't appreciate that the real work was done beforehand, in the building up of the Soviets, that it was only when workers actually had power already in the form of the soviets that State power was taken so easily. And indeed when state power was siezed, it ultimately led to the subjugation of the soviets. So the model that they look towards needs a thorough revisiting in any event.


Instead of doing this hard work though, many Western Marxists have taken the easy way out, they are only Marxists in name only, at best maintaining a criticism over the system, but in more and more cases, being absorbed by it, becoming just more social democracts, working only within Unions and even in cases joining parliaments and ultimately governments.


It is a mistake that no Maoist will make, he knows the bloody battle and the hard work that goes into liberating anything from the system. His problem is later down the line, in keeping an eye on the alliances he has made, and ensuring that liberated territory is not ceded or sold out. But at the very least he understands that it needs to be liberated in the first place.


And in today's modern world, with the media dominance and more and more elements of our lives being controlled, there is much more of ourselves that needs to be liberated. The work couldn't be harder.

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Great post, a chara. I would just add that Mao considered himself to be a Marxist-Leninist. Marx also wrote to the agrarian socialists in Russia that he was of the opinion that Russia could go straight from Feudalism to Communism without going through the stage of Capitalism. So, in that sense, Marx was also a Maoist. As you rightly pointed out, whats now called Maoism was\is a practical interpretation of Marxism for a Third World situation. And, as you also rightly say, Marxism in the West has become weak minded and geriatric. It needs some of the youthful blood of Maoism to give it courage.

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Not precisely related to CPN(M), but interesting to note that the Nepali government has banned women under 30 from travelling to the Gulf to be exploited. The fuckwits in Human Rights Watch see this restriction of movement rights as the most important breach of human rights of the day, claiming that the ban constitutes discrimination!!!!!


This is the liberal human rights model gone crazy. While of course they criticise employment practices in the Gulf apartheid states, they do not recognise that Nepal is powerless to influence that. Calling for greater employment protection in these States is a cause in itself, but instead of highlighting the nature of these regimes, it is the Nepalese government that comes under attack for trying to proect its citizens.


The cardinal liberal rule has been broken, one must not interfere with the freedom of people to be exploited. Rather than prevent people from actually entering into oppressive employment relations, they would rather that the exploitation continue and they be able to complain politely about it. Liberal rights philosophy at its most sickening!!!


There is of course an element of discrimination in the new law, but the answer to that is to prevent all Nepalese citizens, men and women, from travelling to these abhorrent states where slavery is alive and well!








August 14, 2012







Nepal is right to be concerned about its migrant domestic workers, but imposing a ban on women under 30 from traveling to the Gulf does not solve the problem and discriminates against young women. A better strategy would be to crack down on abusive recruitment practices, ensure that women migrate with an enforceable contract in hand, and equip embassies to respond quickly to complaints of abuse.



Nisha Varia, senior women’s rights researcher


(New York) – The Nepali government should revoke its new ban on women under the age of 30 from working in Arab Gulf countries and instead should improve protections so domestic workers can migrate safely – such as by ensuring full monitoring and accountability of recruitment agencies in Nepal. At the same time governments in the Gulf should adopt long overdue labor protections and immigration reforms, including ending the discriminatory treatment of domestic workers, to combat abuse of Nepali and other migrant workers.


On August 9, 2012, Nepal’s cabinet approved a ban on women under the age of 30 from traveling to the Gulf for work. The ban is a response to several publicized cases of abuse of Nepali domestic workers, including long work hours, unpaid wages, and in some cases physical or sexual abuse. This recent move comes two years after Nepal lifted a 12-year ban on any women working in Middle Eastern countries.


“Nepal is right to be concerned about its migrant domestic workers, but imposing a ban on women under 30 from traveling to the Gulf does not solve the problem and discriminates against young women”, said Nisha Varia, senior women’s rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “A better strategy would be to crack down on abusive recruitment practices, ensure that women migrate with an enforceable contract in hand, and equip embassies to respond quickly to complaints of abuse.”


Official Nepali emigration figures state that as many as 1,000 migrants pass daily through Tribhuvan International Airport in Kathmandu; many others leave by land through the porous Indian border. Many domestic workers have positive experiences and together send home billions of dollars in remittances each year to Asia. Others face abuse.


Human Rights Watch has documented discrimination and abuse against Asian domestic workers in the Middle East for several years. Labor laws in the Gulf exclude domestic workers from basic protections guaranteed other workers such as a weekly rest day, limits to hours of work, and compensation in case of work-related injury. Restrictive immigration rules make it difficult for domestic workers to escape from abusive employers.


A ban on work in the Gulf may drive women desperate for work to migrate through irregular channels, putting them at greater risk of exploitation and trafficking, Human Rights Watch said. Human Rights Watch interviewed Nepali domestic workers in Saudi Arabia during the previous ban and found that they were especially likely to encounter abuse. They had no information about their rights, no employment contracts, and were more likely to migrate with illegal recruiters who left them heavily indebted. If they faced abuse from their employers, their precarious legal status made it more difficult for them to approach or receive assistance from authorities.


Instead of a blanket ban on young women that denies them important employment opportunities, Nepal's government should work with other labor-sending governments to demand stronger protections for migrant workers in the Gulf, Human Rights Watch said. It urged the Nepali government to improve training of migrant workers, to monitor recruitment agencies rigorously, and to ensure migrant women know where to get help if they need it.


“Governments in the Gulf should heed the concern about abuse against domestic workers in their countries,” said Varia. “They should move quickly to include domestic workers in labor laws, prosecute abusive employers, and improve cooperation with labor-sending countries.”


Nepal has obligations under its interim constitution and international law to protect women from discrimination, including in employment. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which Nepal ratified in 1991, requires states to eliminate discrimination against women in the field of employment. Human Rights Watch called on the Nepali government to ratify the International Labor Organization Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers.

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A critique of the the "judas goat" Prachanda and an analysis of why his comrades missed the direction he was taking the Maoists in Nepal




International Dimensions of Prachanda’s Neo-revisionism


by Basanta

I had authored an article about 6 years before. It was entitled: “International Dimensions of Prachanda Path”.

The article, published in the 10th issue of The Worker, Party organ in English, had created debate in the international communist movement. Is Prachanda Path really a creative development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism or merely a deviation from it was the question under debate at that time. Given the development of people’s war in leaps, one after another, it was also not an easy task for them to take position against it. But, most of the revolutionary parties did not assimilate it rather they opined that it resulted from the ideological deviation on the part of CPN (Maoist).


The wave of Prachanda Path, which was said to be the synthesis of the experiences of 5 year’s long stormy people’s war, had stretched all across the world. It was not unnatural too. Party had defined Prachanda Path as a series of particular ideas generated by the Nepalese revolution. I had prepared that article as our party, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), comprehended it at that time. Unsurprisingly, Prachanda was happy with the article.


After 6 years now, I am writing again a short article centring on Prachanda. It is titled: “International Dimensions of Prachanda’s Neo-revisionism.” Some readers may think that Basanta is correct because Prachanda has taken a U-turn from his earlier Marxist-Leninist-Maoist position. Someone may say that to think of Prachanda, who considers Marxism as a vibrant science and applies in practice accordingly, a revisionist is the result of mechanical and dogmatic thinking on the part of Basanta and his team-mates.

Again someone may say why did Basanta and his teammates fail to identify Prachanda’s neo-revisionism in the past rather eulogized it as Prachanda path? This debate will obviously surface in the days to come. The revolutionaries will regard that Basanta is correct; but the revisionists and liquidationists will do its opposite. Naturally, this article will not make Prachanda happy this time.


Everyone is aware that an intensive and extensive two-line struggle was on between Marxism and right revisionism inside the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) mainly for the last four years. But, in the recent days, there has been a turn in this process and the revolutionaries, dissociating from the party led by Prachanda, have built up a new party. As a member of this new party, the Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist, I am here with this article. We have not yet synthesized the entire experiences acquired during the tumultuous period of people’s war and the period that followed. The forthcoming Party Congress will do it. For now, we have taken only a preliminary position according to which the people’s war had definitely amassed new experiences but it was not correct at that time to synthesise them in the form of Prachanda Path. The national convention organized on June 15, 2012 summed up the strength and weakness of the revolutionaries also. It concluded that there were three kinds of ideological mistakes namely fideism, liberalism and metaphysics with them. These weaknesses were manifested mainly on the question of ideological synthesis i.e. Prachanda Path and the centralisation of leadership. On the other, the convention unanimously concluded that the appropriate terminology to denote Prachanda’s ideological and political degeneration is neo-revisionism.


The neo-revisionism noticed in Prachanda has been manifested in different form than it had in the past revisionists, who used to attack upon the basic principles of Marxism in a direct and straightforward way. Like for example, Proudhon and Lassalle opposed the scientific socialism with the arguments that the process of continued reforms and strict discipline in the bourgeois society can pave the way for capitalism to reach communism. Bernstein concluded the basic principles of Marxism like class struggle and the theory of surplus value have been outdated. Khrushchev took position against the role of violence in revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat under socialist society. Liu Shao Chi and Teng Hsiao Ping stood against the theory of continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat put forth by Mao Tsetung. They one-sidedly emphasized upon the development of productive forces as opposed to the Maoist principle of grasp revolution and promote production. In our context, Prachanda has not made him stand yet in open against the basic concepts of Marxism as the aforesaid leaders did in the past. He has been doing it in the name of creative development of MLM.


When the situation develops to a new level, the old logics are not sufficient for the political parties to support their new position. It is true not only for the Marxists but also for the revisionists and other parties as well. Mao has said that revisionists are the reactionaries who mislead people in the guise of Marxism. So in the new situation the revisionists need to find new logics to misguide the revolutionaries. Prachanda understands it well. So he has been steadily sowing seeds of revisionism since long in the guise of creative application and development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. He has not yet directly opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat as Khrushchev did. But, the development of Marxism which he has claimed is in fact the development of revisionism. In this way, revisionism has been replacing Marxism in the party led by him. The classical and modern revisionism openly oppose the basic tenets of Marxism including the dialectical and historical materialism, theory of class struggle, role of violence in revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat etc. etc.


But, the neo-revisionism does the same in essence but in the pretext of opposing dogmatism, creative application of Marxism and the originality of revolution. To arrest the essence of Marxism in the name of its creative application and development has been the main characteristics of neo-revisionism. In this way, the features in points of Prachanda’s neo-revisionism can be cited as follows.


Prachanda has been slowly attacking upon the universality of Mao’s contributions. In the wake of party unity that took place with the Unity Centre – Masal, the UCPN (Maoist) had adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism/Mao Tsetung thought as its guiding principle. He argues that there is no difference as such in using two terminologies, Maoism or Mao thought, so long as they are done to mean the universality of Mao’s contributions. It is indeed his artful deceit to blur the difference between Maoism and Mao thought which respectively refer to universality and particularity of Mao’s contributions. By so doing he has been weakening the grasp of Maoism in the party and the revolutionary movement as well.


Mao has said that the struggle for production, class struggle and scientific experiment are the three sources of knowledge. In addition, he has stressed Marxism goes on developing through an infinite spiral of practice to theory and theory to practice. But quite the opposite, Prachanda claims that Marxism has become a matter of common knowledge for him. He had said in a CC meeting held about five years before. By so saying he has stood against Maoist theory of knowledge and of course Maoism itself.

Marxism believes that an entity is the unity and struggle of opposites and the struggle between them helps one transform into another. However, Prachanda has brought about a conciliatory concept of Fusion of two opposites which stands against Marxist principal. It is merely a different form of expression of ‘two combine into one’, not ‘one divides into two’. In the course of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Mao had strongly criticised ‘two combine into one’ as a reactionary philosophy serving bourgeois interest. Mao said ‘one divides into two’ is the law of dialectics.


Prachanda says that the world situation has undergone considerable changes and these changes necessitate the development of MLM. It is absolutely correct. But a strange, in the pretext of the development of Marxism, he has been attacking upon the basic principles of Marxism itself and in this course he has been developing revisionism. On the one hand, he presents the Federal Democratic Republic as a synonym of New Democratic Republic, and on the other, he says that in order to prevent counter-revolution in the 21st century it is necessary to develop democracy. While arriving here, it has been crystal clear that these logics were brought about to pave the way for assimilating bourgeois parliament by the party and consequently reversing revolution in the name of preventing counter-revolution. In fact, the development of democracy in the 21st century has been a tool to replace the democratic or proletarian dictatorship by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.


Prachanda had put forward a concept of non-class nature of State Power and the possibility of peaceful development of revolution in Nepal in the Balaju Expanded Meeting held in 2007. He tried to justify his arguments by the fact that Nepal Army and the PLA were kept inactive in their respective barracks. Prachanda stopped saying this again after the delegates in the convention strongly opposed it. In fact, it was merely a polished form of the ‘state of the entire people’ and ‘peaceful transition’ propounded by Khrushchev. But now all these things have been transcribed in their documents in a disguised form.


Insurrection and revolution in decision and parliamentary exercise in implementation i.e. revolution in word and reform in practice has been his characteristics. In all of the meetings from Chunwang to Palungtar via Kharipati, he has been raising the question of people’s insurrection and the need to build up four bases to achieve it. However, except for misleading the revolutionaries he never put stress on building four bases to prepare for insurrection. His speciality has been not to take on preparation seriously till there is time and plead for reform at the last in the excuse that necessary preparation is not complete.


Communist revolutionaries are the followers of proletarian internationalism. At the time of preparation, initiation and continuation of the great people’s war in Nepal he used to lay much emphasis on party’s international task. But for now proletarian internationalism has become a big bone stuck at his throat. He sometimes talks of RIM and CPI (Maoist) to mislead the revolutionaries inside his party. In the document that he placed before the last expanded meeting, organised by the neo-revisionist group led by Prachanda, he has written a phrase reading, “For the development of international communist movement … … it is necessary to go ahead by maintaining relation with the revolutionary parties and groups in and outside of RIM in a planned way”. On the contrary, he has been working hard to make both imperialism and expansionism happy by rudely criticising RIM and the CPI (Maoist).


Not only that, he had sent a condolence letter along with a central committee representative to please his masters in India when Jyoti Basu, a leader of revisionist CPI (Marxist) and the ex-chief minister of West Bengal, had died. On the other, Prachanda did not dare to issue even a statement when the Indian ruling class killed comrade Azad, the spokesperson and comrade Kishenji, the politburo member, of the CPI (Maoist). In this way, not comrade Azad and comrade Kishenji, but Jyoti Basu and Manmohan Singh have become international fraternal comrades for Prachanda.


Prachanda-Baburam group has now appeared in a little different form in the context of maintaining relationship between the line and organisation. The revisionists in the past used to firstly build, in general, a reformist line and then transform the whole party organisation to fit into it. But, the speciality of this group has been to continue saying people’s insurrection as the path of revolution to mislead the masses but create such a situation in the party that there can be no insurrection at all. One of the ways they have done to serve this purpose has been to make party organisation a crowd of yes-men, anarchists and wrong elements that cannot lead revolution.


Prachanda has deviated from the basic theory of new democratic revolution. He has defined new democratic revolution in such a way that it is completed in two stages – once against feudalism and next against imperialism. In fact, it does not go along with the characteristics of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. In the course of the new democratic revolution, sometimes there is major threat upon democracy and sometimes upon national sovereignty and the form of struggle is sorted out to respond to the given threat. But it does not mean that there are two stages of revolution: one against feudalism and another against imperialism. The feudalism and imperialism are inseparably interconnected with each other and the state power in such a country simultaneously represents the interests of both of them. It is the characteristics of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Therefore, to destroy the reactionary state power that represents the interest of both feudalism and imperialism and build a new one in its place is the first step towards making the new democratic revolution in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. Prachanda and his clique have gone too far from this reality.


In one context he has said that the end of monarchy is a kind of completion of the new democratic revolution in Nepal. It is utterly wrong. In an interview he says, “Now it leads to a conclusion that the remaining task of new democracy (a part of which has been completed) and the strategy of socialist revolution have converged into one. The remaining task of new democracy and task of completing the socialist revolution by way of people’s insurrection and armed insurrection have converged into one strategy rather than completing new democratic revolution at one stage and socialist revolution at the other.” (Krambhanga, year 1, Vol. 2, November 2011, page 11)


Aforesaid quotation means that the new democratic revolution has been accomplished in Nepal. It does not agree with what Marxism-Leninism-Maoism says about the new democratic revolution, which is accomplished only after feudalism and imperialism both are brought to an end. Monarchy has been abolished in Nepal but it has not brought about any basic change in feudalism and the feudal mode of production as well. The agents of Indian expansionism are dominant in the state power. The national independence is in grave danger. Country is going towards Sikkimisation. Then, in such a situation, how did the new democratic revolution complete in Nepal? Does the new democratic revolution mean republic, federalism and secularism only? Has the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist people’s power been established in Nepal? Certainly not. His position that the new democratic revolution has been almost completed and the socialist revolution is the next task in hand is nothing other than a neo-revisionist fraud brought forward to confuse the people and get stuck in the bourgeois democratic republic with the blessing of imperialism and Indian expansionism. It is in fact an ugly example of betrayal against the Nepalese people and the nation on the part of Prachanda.


Mao has said that party, army and the united front are three magical weapons of revolution. He says, “A well-disciplined Party armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the method of self-criticism and linked with the masses of the people, an army under the leadership of such a Party; a united front of all revolutionary classes and all revolutionary groups under the leadership of such a Party — these are the three main weapons with which we have defeated the enemy.” Mao has pointed out here at the crux of the problem by identifying the urgency of party, army and the united front to make revolution a success.


Did the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) resemble with the one that Mao has referred to in this quotation? No, not at all. How did Prachanda work ideologically and politically to loosen the grasp of revolution in the party has been mentioned before. In addition, he opened the door to bourgeoisify party by gathering a crowd of bureaucrats in the higher committees and that of the anarchists and yes-men in the lower ones. Party committees became so bulky and clumsy that neither there was an encouraging environment for discussion, criticism and self-criticism nor for practicing collectivity. It created such a situation in which the system of collective decision and individual responsibility got replaced by that of individual decision and collective responsibility.


Now, none must be confused with the fact that it was a plan designed to gradually disorient cadres from the communist system and conduct and by so doing transform the communist party into a bourgeois one. It is Prachanda’s neo-revisionist characteristic that weakened ideological grasp and bourgeoisified party by way of wrong organizational methods. Prachanda, in this manner, liquidated party’s revolutionary character from all the aspects of ideology, politics and organization.


Prachanda has made the People’s Liberation Army, Nepal that was built with the concept of “People have nothing without people’s army” surrender before the Nepal Army. He said it is integration. The people’s Liberation Army, Nepal that was organised to accomplish new democratic revolution in Nepal, exercise democratic dictatorship upon the class enemies after new democratic revolution has been accomplished and prevent counter-revolution in the whole course of building socialism has been dissolved in the name of integration. It is a counter-revolutionary step taken to please the imperialism and expansionism and heartily open the way for reconciliation with their agents. He said it was a daring step aimed at building peace in Nepal. What a ridiculous argument is this? Lying also has a limit. One can hardly find such examples of class and national capitulation and shameless treason in the history of the world communist movement.


Another important weapon for revolution is a united front formed under the leadership of a revolutionary party. What kind of forces shall be involved in the united front is decided by the principal contradiction of the then society and it is built under the leadership of a party of the proletariat by incorporating entire forces that have contradiction with the principal enemy. The party led by Prachanda had analyzed that the contradiction formed of the comprador, bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the feudal and their master Indian expansionism at one pole and the entire Nepalese people at the other is the principal contradiction in the Nepalese society. But he did not take any initiative to build a united front among the entire patriotic, republican, progressive, leftist and revolutionary forces under the leadership of the party of the proletariat against the aforesaid reactionary alliance. Contrary to it, he kneeled down before the reactions and surrendered the remaining achievement of revolution to them. What can this act be said other than naked submission to the domestic and foreign reactions?


In the beginning of the 21st century, the world proletariat had had a high regard for Prachanda as their emancipator and imperialist marauders had disdained him as their grave-diggers. It was a matter of pride and glory for the world proletariat. Now he is in a quick race to become just its opposite. It is a matter of grief for the oppressed people of Nepal and the world as well. Nevertheless, it is not the sentiment but ideological and political line and the vanguard of the proletariat that lead the toiling masses to revolution. Therefore, sooner the Prachanda’s neo-revisionism is unmasked and defeated the faster can the world proletariat re-establish MLM in the world communist movement and liberate the oppressed people from the yoke of imperialism.


The revolutionaries have no alternative to it. To weaken the ideological and political struggle against neo-revisionism is in fact to nurture it. Therefore, the urgent need of the day has been to intensify the ideological and political struggle against all shades of revisionism in general and Prachabda’s neo-revisionism in particular. And it is the supreme task of the revolutionaries now in Nepal and the world as well. Let all of us strive for this.

August 10, 2012

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I think this is very important for Irish Republicans to read and learn from. After Adams the Judas Goat, led the bulk of Republicans into the cul-de-sac of bourgeois constitutionalism, Irish Republicanism has been running round like a headless chicken. It will be interesting to see if the Nepali Maoists can use their superior political theory to take control of the situation and pull back from the abyss, without losing decades in the wilderness, as Irish Republicanism is losing.

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KATHMANDU, Oct 18: The trade union close to CPN-Maoist, All Nepal Revolutionary Trade Union Federation (ANRTUF) has vowed to prevent the government from selling off equipment of the Himal Cement Factory that has remained shut for the last 11 years.


Demanding not to sell off the machineries of the factory, the ANRTUF also challenged the government that they would run all government owned factories that have remained closed.


After planting ANRTUF´s flag on the factory, the leaders of ANRTUF also threatened to take control of the factory by deploying National People´s Volunteer (NPV).




“We will intervene if the government does not stop the auction and reopen the factory,” said Ramdeep Acharya, chairman of the ANRTUF.


According to him, the government is planning to sell all things of the factory at "scrap" value.


Himal Cement Factory has been out of operation since November 20, 2001.


The ANRTUF has also proposed to relocate the factory to another place if locals oppose running the factory at Chobhar.


Maoist in-charge of the Kathmandu Valley, Jhak Bahadur Malla, claimed that the government has collaborated with smugglers to sell all the machineries of the factory.


“They just set the flag in a peaceful manner and are protesting without flouting the law. So, there is nothing to interfere them,” said, Gyan Kumar Mahato, inspector at metropolitan police sector, Kirtipur.



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DHULKHEL: CPN-Maoist Chairman Mohan Baidhya today said both the President Ram Baran Yadav and Prime Minister Ba-buram Bhattarai were res-ponsible for bringing constitutional crisis to the country.


Addressing his party’s First Tamsaling Rajya Committee Conference in Dhulikhel, Baidhya said, “Both president and prime minister have lost their status as the country is experiencing constitutional vacuum.” He further said no person or institution could claim the legality in the given scenario.


On a different note, Baidhya accused the UCPN-M Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal and his deputy Baburam Bhattarai of being power hungry. He also flayed the three major parties for prolonging the political crisis for in the pretext of gaining power. “The big three parties are bargaining just for power,” Baidhya added.


Offering solution to the prevailing crisis, Baidhya said only a round table conference could provide a way out to the country not the fresh polls or Constituent Assembly resurrection. Noting that CA would not be able to promulgate a new constitution, he charged the parties of hoodwinking the people in the name of new election.


In another context, CPN-Maoist chairman held that past agreements including the 12-point agreement and Comprehensive Peace Acco-rd had failed to deliver a solution to the nation. He stressed on the need to striking a new agreement to give a way out to the country. He reiterated of staging a new revolution if people’s aspirations and wishes were not met. Flaying the UCPN-M for its deviation from the revolutionary line, Baidhya alleged that Dahal and Bhattarai had shown apathy towards solving the problems of disappeared people.

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The corrupt Judas Goat bastards amassed fortunes before selling out




KATHMANDU, Jan 1: Even after several deadline extensions, members of the two probe commissions constituted by the ruling UCPN(Maoist) to investigate the sources of property amassed by party leaders and commanders of the then People´s Liberation Army (PLA) have no clue when they will come up with their final reports.


Amid widespread criticism over the lavish lifestyle of some of the party´s leaders, that according to close aides was distinctly at odds their know sources of income, the ruling party had formed two separate commissions during its seventh plenum held last July at Bhrikuti Mandap. Both commissions were asked to submit their reports within a month.


The first commission led by party Secretary Posta Bahadur Bogati, who is said to be close to Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, was assigned to look into the huge financial irregularities that allegedly took place at the seven PLA cantonments that housed almost 20,000 PLA combatants for almost four years. Lokendra Bista Magar and Nabaraj Subedi are the other two members of the commission.


Similarly, the same plenum had formed another three-member commission led by Amik Sherchan, another close aide to Chairman Dahal, and it was asked to investigate the sources of the huge properties owned by party leaders. Hita Raj Pande and Dor Prasad Upadhyay are its other members.


However, even after five months since their formation, the two commissions appear nowhere near submitting their final reports. Instead, according to party insiders, deepening factional differences and mistrust between the Dahal and Baburam Bhattarai camps have made both the commissions almost defunct.


When Republica inquired with Hita Raj Pande about the current status of the commission, he had a blunt one-liner response. "I don´t know. Ask comrade Diwakar who is coordinator of the commission," he said. A source on the commission said that all that the Bogati-led commission did was question some former PLA deputy-commanders.


However, Nabaraj Subedi, a member of the commission led by Sherchan and an aide to Prime Minister Bhattarai, said the commission has made notable progress, a repeated claim that even many who are close to Sherchan disown. "We are currently writing the report and making all-out effort to submit the report with weeks," said Subedi.


According to a source, the commission had received a barrage of complaints against Chairman Dahal and other senior leaders of the party for their “poor handling” of party funds. Earlier, commission chief Sherchan had informed that a total of 65 complaints had been filed at the commission against various leaders.


After the formation of the two commissions, six of the seven former PLA division commanders had resigned en masse from their party posts, alleging that Chairman Dahal was hatching a conspiracy to make a few division commanders scapegoats for huge financial irregularities perpetrated by PLA commanders close to him.


The ex-commanders also had demanded a thorough investigation against the former PLA supreme commander and other top level commanders, over embezzlements running into billions of rupees.


According to the former PLA commanders, they were once questioned as part of the investigations but never questioned again after the dissolution of the PLA.


Earlier, the commission members had said that they would keep the names of petitioners and the accused secret. The main report of the investigations will be submitted to the party and only a summary is to be made public.

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Comrade Stalin or Comrade Mao would have got to the bottom of this question in a matter of hours - not days - and the corrupt officials would be standing in front of a firing squad without delay :hammersickle:

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Nepal, US Army to jointly conduct military exercises



Kathmandu: Nepal and the United States will jointly conduct military exercises later this month which will also involve several other countries including India.


The army exercises, named Shanti Prayas-2 or Peace Initiatives, will be conducted in Panchkhal, situated 50 km east of Kathmandu from March 25 to April 7.


According to a US Embassy press release, the Nepal Army, the US Army and several other countries have announced their participation in the drill which is the latest in a continuing series of exercises in the Asia-Pacific region designed to promote regional peace and security and enhance the peacekeeping capabilities and capacity of nations participating in the Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI).

GPOI is a G8 nations’ initiative to increase peace support operations capabilities worldwide.


“Being a major troop contributing country, Nepal and the Nepalese Army have extensive knowledge and experience in peace support operations. Hosting this type of exercise in Nepal will not only enhance Nepalese peacekeeping capabilities but will also help other participating nations,” the release said.

The training conducted during the exercise will consist of a vignette based staff training exercise and a field training exercise.


The staff training exercise will combine Nepal Army officers and officers invited from Australia, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Canada, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Mongolia, Paraguay, the Philippines, Rwanda, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Thailand and Vietnam who will refine staff skills required by military officers who operate in UN peacekeeping missions around the world.


Field training will be conducted by militaries from Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Nepal, Philippines, Paraguay, and Rwanda.


The training will be facilitated by an international cadre of instructors with extensive peacekeeping and peacekeeping-training experience and personnel from the US Pacific Command.


These forces will enhance basic skills used when conducting peacekeeping operations, such as patrolling, checkpoint operations, and convoy operations.







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National unity govt be formed: CPN-Maoist General Secretary

KATHMANDU, FEB 26 – General Secretary of the CPN-Maoist , Ram Bahadur Thapa, has demanded that a national unity government should be formed including all political parties and write new constitution through an all-side political conference. Speaking at an interaction organized by the Nepal Rastriya Dalit Mukti Morcha on the occasion of 19th Memorial Day of the first martyr of the People’s War, Dil Bahadur Ramtel, General Secretary Thapa claimed that the current Constituent Assembly was not an independent one and that it could not write pro-people constitution. In a different note, General Secretary Thapa stressed on the need of providing the especial rights instead of reserve quotas.

Chairman of the Morcha, Tilak Pariyar, said it was necessary to move ahead to struggle for the dalit’s rights forming joint forum. Similarly, General Secretary of the Nepal Dalit’s Association, Laxmi Pariyar, said it was unfortunate not to make Dalit’s representation in the new government. Ramtel, 14-year-old student from Gorkha district, was killed on Fagun14, 2052 B.S. at the very beginning of the people’s war.


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Nepal: New CA will surely fail to draft Charter, claims Thapa Badal

General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa ‘Badal’ of Nepal Communist Party Maoist talking to the media men in Gorkha District, March 2, 2014 disclosed that his party has come to the conclusion that the incumbent Constituent Assembly too will fail to draft the constitution. He thus proposedarrow-10x10.pngan all party political conference as an alternative to the CA to draft the constitution. “The party’s central committee has concluded that the incumbent constituent assembly too will fail to draft the constitution,” he said and added, “Our proposal is to convene an all party conference as an alternate to the CA.”

“We will request the political parties to accept our demand,” said Thapa and continued, “Else, we will push our demand forcefully through the street as well.” “We are totally aware that the puppet constituent assembly and the puppet government will fail to draft the peoples’ constitution.” “There already exists a high level political committee. If the parties agree to give it a broader shape it will be a political conference.” “We are not demanding for our representation in the CA. We have rather demanded immediate dissolution of the constituent assembly,” he concludedarrow-10x10.png.


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UCPN (M) strayed from communist ideal: Chand

NAWALPARASI, MAR 05 – CPN-Maoist Secretary Netra Bikram Chand has said the party cannot give up the values and agenda of the people’s war. Addressing a press conference organised by federation of revolutionary journalists here in Parasi on Wednesday, the CPN leader rubbished the rumour of unification with the UCPN (Maoist) as the latterarrow-10x10.png has been entrapped in the quicksand of parliamentary system and would never be able to get out of it.

Chand arrived here in Bardaghat of the district to felicitate the families of those martyred and disappeared during the people’s war. The CPN-Maoist leader remarked that all the communist parties are one in terms of ideology and that his party is ready to take up any kind of step in order to fulfill the commitment of the people’s war. “We are not talking about armed revolt,” said leader Chand. “But our party is ready to launch any kind of struggle in viewarrow-10x10.png of the situation and there won’t be any kind of limitation.” He claimed that the agreements signed between the then seven parties and the Maoists had been violated time and again. There should be an all-side roundtable conference to give an outlet to the nation, he added.

Saying that his party’s current struggle is from the table, the CPN-Maoist leader said, “We won’t back track even if we have to stage armed revolt.” He went on to say that the main obstaclearrow-10x10.png to the unification with the UCPN (Maoist) was the party leaders’ steep fall from moral and political grounds. “The Maoist revolt had grossly perverted by the time it arrived in Kathmandu from Rolpa,” said leader Chand, “It is not possible to unite with the party that has strayed from the Maoist ideology.”

He claimed that the UCPN (Maoist) did not have thearrow-10x10.png principle and working policy to liberate the people. He warned that the CPN-Maoist party would go before the people if the parties tried to sideline it in the name of majority system. He lashed out at Prime Minister Sushil Koirala for his remark that Tanakpur lies is India.




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CPN-Maoist building base for protests

KATHMANDU, MAR 09 – The CPN-Maoist has begun a nationwide campaign to train its cadres on a fresh protest against the Constituent Assembly. The party leadership is currently holding district-level meetings and restructuring its organisation to strengthen local committees across the country. The campaign follows the decisions of the party’s central committee and other subsequent meetings that stressed a need for stronger structure at the lower level.

The party believes that its plans to foil the November 19 CA election failed due to its ‘weak organisation’ at the lower level. CPN-Maoist top leaders including Chairman Mohan Baidya, Vice-chairman CP Gajurel, General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa and Secretaries Dev Gurung and Netra Bikram Chand have been visiting districts to train cadres in the recent weeks. Baidya and Chand are currently in the western region to orient cadres in districts and restructure committees. Addressing an inaugural session of the Rupandehi district committee meeting on Friday, Baidya slammed PM Sushil Koirala for giving controversial remarks on Tanakpur. He said his party will collaborate with other parties to struggle for “national integrity and sovereignty”.

CPN-Maoist leaders said they will kick-start protests across the country as soon as the constitution writing process begins. The party demands that the government and major parties hold an all-party round-table for drafting a new constitution. Members of the CPN-Maoist-led 33-party alliance said they are preparing for a stern protest as the major parties “are reluctant to incorporate us in the CA ”. The parties say they are ready to participate in constitution-writing if they are given proper space. “The government must seek an alternative to the CA for us to participate in statue writing. If that happens, we are eager to engage with them,” said Mani Thapa of CPN-Revolutionary.


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Nepal’s Communist Party-Maoist Will Not Take Up Arms


NEW DELHI: Communist Party of Nepal- Maoist will not take up arms and focus more on issues of livelihood, health and education of the people. It has also decided to mobilize people to put pressure on the lawmakers to write a pro-people constitution. The immediate focus of its leaders is to put the party structure in order, which had shattered during the election boycott programme.


A senior politburo member said, “although our boycott programme was successful, nevertheless, we have also learnt about our weaknesses. One of those is that our party has become like an umbrella. It has a weak base which cannot hold the ‘top’. We have more leaders than cadres. Post election, the party is focused on giving it a shape of a pyramid.”


The party, which is led by Mohan Baidya aka ‘Kiran’, is gearing up for its General Convention which is scheduled in May this year. The Convention is called to chalk out a framework for its activities in current situation. The leader, who was in India to review the party’s functioning here said, “our party still thinks that an all party round table conference is the best way to move forward in the direction of constitution writing.”


Refuting the claim that more than 70 per cent people voted in the election Mohan Baidya said, the Election Commission changed its facts thrice in a matter of hours and has still not come up with the exact figure. There was not more than 45 per cent voting across Nepal.


He said, “those who claim that the election to the second Constituent Assembly was a success should consider the facts that there were more than four thousand incidents of bomb blasts during elections and the government was not able to stop or arrest anybody. Ambassadors and High Commissioners of 20 countries warned all the boycotting parties with dire consequences but we carried on with our programmes. Even the Supreme Court intervened and called the boycott unlawful but we didn’t abide.”



Claiming that the Prachanda led Maoist has no future in Nepal the leader said that after the election the ‘two Maoist parties’ situation has ended and his party has emerged as the real pro people force. “We have led the 10 year long People’s War in Nepal to uproot the Monarchy and establish Socialism. The second task remains unfinished due to the betrayal of Prachanda and Baburam clique however now that we have ousted them the party leadership is committed to complete the left task”, he said.


The leader claimed that post 2008 Nepal has lost its strategic importance. It has become an Indian Colony. Previously, the party had viewed Nepal as a semi-feudal semi-colonial country but now it sees Nepal as a semi-feudal and neo-colonial country. “Hence, we have also changed our political strategy.”


He said that there was no question of taking up arms as situation had thoroughly changed inside and outside Nepal. The world has become multi- polar and the situation is favourable for peaceful struggle.


Calling the news of differences in his party ‘rumour’, he said, “we are the only party in Nepal which is united politically and ideologically. Soon we will emerge as the biggest power centre in Nepal”.


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Thapa rules out unity with UCPN-Maoist

ROLPA: CPN-Maoist General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa today ruled out the possibility of his party unifying with the UCPN-Maoist. “Since the UCPN-Maoist has deviated ideologically, unity with them is not possible,” Thapa told a press conference in Rolpa headquarters Libang. Stating that UCPN-M had ditched people’s revolution in its Hetauda conference, Thapa reiterated that party unity with the UCPN-Maoist was not possible.

Thapa accused UCPN-M of being mired in opportunism and conspiracy. “To say that people’s revolution has come to an end is flawed,” he added. Thapa held that talk of local polls was a conspiracy against federalism. “It is erroneous to hold polls without federalising the country,” he said, adding, the Constituent Assembly would not be able to deliver a new constitution.


33-party alliance to protest price hikes

KATHMANDU: The 33-party alliance led by the CPN-Maoist today announced its protest plan against the government’s decision to increase the prices of commodities, including those of petroleum products. Though the government decided to revoke its decision after pressure from different quarters, with parliamentarians halting House proceedings, the 33-party alliance have announced its protest plan demanding withdrawal of the decision to hike prices of other commodities too.

Asked what the alliance would do if their demand is not met, the coordinator of the 33-party alliance, Dev Gurung, said their protest would continue till the government rolls back its decision to hike prices of other commodities. He, however, said the meeting of the alliance would make necessary adjustment in the protest plans if they deem it necessary. As per the plan, the alliance has decided to hold demonstrations and protest meetings in different cities of the country.

In Kathmandu, the alliance has decided to hold demonstration and protest meetings at Shanti Batika tomorrow afternoon. Similarly, the meeting of the alliance held today at the party headquarters of the CPN-M also decided to hold an hourlong sit-in protest at Bhadrakali and in front of the district administration offices across the country. The alliance has been saying price hikes of commodities have affected the general public.


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