Lugh Ildánach reacted in How Russian Army is Better than USA Army - New Documentary
This is an interesting map here: American Military Bases near Iran. - https://maps.google.com/maps/ms?msa=0&msid=204401305100193944749.0004bd6c370c083cb7145&ie=UTF8&t=h&dg=feature
The absolute waste of resources put into the US war machine is incredible. Arifjan ( @28.877485,48.165092 ) in Kuwait in particular. Hundreds maybe thousands of vehicles all lined up in the sand. They could have been an ambulance. Could have been a fire truck. Could be housing for the homeless.
Diego Garcia ( @-7.319988,72.414579 ) another. An island military base in the middle of nowhere. Lines of gigantic B-52's can be seen. The sheer cost of supplying and operating a base like this must be monumental. How many hospitals could the US build instead? How many schools?
The money spent. Mind boggling. And that's just abroad. The likes of Fort Hood etc....
Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in The miracle that John Paul II refused to perform
The miracle that John Paul II refused to perform
In the Spring of 1979, the Archbishop of El Salvador, Oscar Arnulfo Romero, traveled to the Vatican. He requested, pleaded, begged for an audience with Pope John Paul II:
-Wait for your turn.
-No one knows.
-Come back tomorrow.
Finally, taking a place in the line of the faithful waiting for a blessing, one more among the many, Romero caught His Holiness by surprise, and was able to steal a few minutes.
He tried to give the pope a voluminous report, photographs, testimonies, but His Holiness gave it back to him:
-I don't have the time to read so much stuff!
And Romero blurted out that thousands of Salvadorans had been tortured and murdered by the military, among them many Catholics and five priests, and just the day before, on the eve of this audience, the army had riddled twenty five persons with bullets at the doors of the cathedral.
The head of the Church bluntly stopped Romero:
-Do not exaggerate, Mr. Archbishop!
The encounter was all but finished.
The heir to Saint Peter urged, commanded, ordered:
-You must deal with the government! A good Christian does not create problems with the authorities! The Church wants peace and harmony!
Ten months later, Archbishop Romero fell, assassinated in a parish of San Salvador. The bullet struck him during mass, as he was elevating the host. From Rome, His Holiness condemned the crime. But he forgot to condemn the criminals.
Years later, in the Cuscatlan park, an extremely long wall commemorates the civilian victims of the war. Thousands and thousands of names are engraved in white, on black marble. The name of Archbishop Romero is the only one that is gastadito, worn down.
Gastadito by the people's fingers.
Eduardo Galeano, in his book, "Espejos"
Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in The Explicable Absence of R2P in Ukraine
The Explicable Absence of R2P in Ukraine
Posted on 2 May 2014 by Maximilian Forte
When it comes to Ukraine’s conflict, where is the (precarious) quasi-elite of advocates of the “responsibility to protect” (R2P)? Why, yet again, have they chosen this moment to be silent? Quick to churn out incessant, not to mention intellectually vapid, op-eds calling for Western military aggression against Syria, and outraged by how Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi spoke of and responded to “protesters” in Benghazi (we now know that, rather than thousands of dead in Benghazi during the initial street protests, there were but 110, and half of those were government supporters), they are more than just absent when the unelected government of Ukraine militarily assaults “its own people”–standing by as dozens burned alive in a building torched by those who helped to overthrow a democratically elected government.
My argument has always been a consistent and straightforward one, and it did not begin with dismissing R2P and its advocates out of hand. Rather, I asked to see some consistency on their part, to determine how genuine they were about sincerely supporting their own ideals. I merely asked: if we take the R2P stance on its own terms, does it stand true to its own aims and principles? Having seen R2P advocacy repeatedly take solace in the fold of the US State Department, and repeatedly reneging on their own ideals when it was politically expedient (regime change by NATO, the US, or EU), that is when I began to realize that “saving lives” and “protecting civilians” are far from the top of the agenda for these self-described “human rights defenders.” It is now apparent that when it comes to “human” rights, there are only certain types of humans that count as such and merit having their rights defended by R2P promoters. Effectively, others are not counted as human if they supported Muammar Gaddafi, or if they happened to be black Libyans or African migants in Libya; their humanness is not taken into account if they support Bashar al-Assad, and cheer the Syrian government for taking the necessary steps to protect them from bloodthirsty jihadists; and, recently, they also ceased to be human when they voted or protested in favour of independence from Ukraine and announced their pro-Russia feelings.
Faced with their own limitations and contradictions, do they respond with honest admissions of making mistakes? Not at all. Instead, they take to writing even more op-eds–because the private monopoly on news in North America is open wide to them–in which they restate their bland, untrue, unproven generalities about R2P being a “success” in Libya, and that it “saved lives.” So the simple question to be asked is what accounts for such apparent mendacity? Are they simply ignorant, dishonest, or unconscious? How much longer do they think that they can sustain their flip-flopping project before they realize that the public views them as tiresome, morally selective, chicken hawks? The answer, I am afraid, is that they will continue for as long as governments, universities, and private donors keep dumping dollars in their pockets. It’s a job. They are not otherwise highly in demand in the current labour market. It’s not “saving lives” and “protecting civilians” that matters to them, as much as saving their think-tanks and protecting their budgets. No doubt, there will be more op-eds about Syria and more calls for even more “holocaust memorials” to be built in places far away from 1940s Germany. “Uncomfortable” cases will be ignored as “unsuitable” for R2P: such as the Afghan government pursuing war against its own people (counterinsurgency, supported by the US and NATO), or the Israeli devastation of Gaza.
Did R2P advocates at least push for measures that would prevent mass atrocities such as the one that occurred in Ukraine today? No. But isn’t “prevention” one of their sacred principles? Instead, they engaged in writing op-eds (duly published by their supporters in the mass media), that essentially mocked Russia for speaking of protection. They were suddenly astounded that a powerful state could employ R2P as a convenient ploy to possibly effect regime change. They thumbed their noses at Russian arguments–which were supposedly their own–and then this happened:
Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in Donetsk People's Republic Declared
Very reasonable. And it's good to see such a strongly Communist name being adopted. I note that they are still open to a Ukrainian Federation and speak as Ukrainians. I think this would still be possible if the EU Fascists can be removed from Kiev.
Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in Donetsk People's Republic Declared
The Donetsk People's Republic, i.e., South-Eastern Ukraine, now has its president. It is general Anatoly Vizir who just made his first public declaration from Lugansk: 1) the Kiev regime came to power as a result of a fascist military coup; 2) The people of Ukraine know and remember what fascism is; 2) The people of Ukraine refuse to serve as a forward NATO platform against Russia 3) The Republic adopts a strict antifascist program and denazification of the state; 4) The program also includes federalization; 5) The security apparatus of the Republic has firm evidence of the presence of the US agents working alongside the junta; 6) With a view of the collapse of hrivna, the Ukrainian currency, the Republic is switching to the Russian ruble; 7) The Republic appeals to Russia for help and support.
Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in Statement of the Communist Party of Ukraine regarding Crisis
A very interesting statement:
Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in Chairman Omali Yeshitela
This guy is great, he's the chairman of the African socialist international, I've been listening to their podcasts each week and he is consistently impressive on everything, from drugs to anti-imperialism. He also knows how to deliver a speech!!
Lugh Ildánach reacted in Cans of ‘fresh air’ for sale in China
That's a capitalist deviation. The Communist State should be selling the air. Its just a temporary measure before Full Communism is realised under the guidance of the Glorious Communist Party of the proletariat. Then the air, rivers, forests, desert boundaries and extinct species will go back to normal when the Party Vanguard decides it will. Trust them. They have it all planned.
Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in Eradicating the poor: Why are billionaires paying for abortion?
I looked at that article again and saw that statistic for New York, which if true is very disturbing. I suppose abortion is being used in the US the same way that emigration is being used here
Lugh Ildánach reacted to lenin86 in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines
Building the People’s Army and Waging the People’s War
By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Comrades and Friends:
I wish to express my greetings of solidarity to all of you in this informative and cultural gathering organized by the International Office of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) to celebrate the 45th anniversary of the founding of the New People’s Army (NPA) by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).
I am deeply pleased and highly honored to be invited to speak on the building of the New People’s Army and waging the people’s war in the Philippines. I wish to share with you basic information and ideas on the following: first, the circumstances and reasons for founding the NPA, second, the growth and victories in the people’s war and third, the prospects of the people’s war.
With boundless joy, I recall how I presided over the founding of this revolutionary army of the Filipino people on March 29, 1969 in my capacity as Chairman of the the CPP Central Committee and and its Military Commission. This is a time to give the highest honors to the martyrs and heroes and to congratulate all the Red commanders and fighters for all the victories won through hard work, sacrifices and relentless struggle.
Let us give a special Red salute to Comrades Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria for their long service to the Filipino people and new democratic revolution. They have contributed greatly to the growth and advance of the revolutionary forces of the people. They are senior field consultants of the NDFP in the peace negotiations between the Manila government and the NDFP. We demand their immediate release in accordance with the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees mutually approved since 1995 by the aforesaid negotiating parties.
I. Circumstances and Reasons for Founding the NPA
Since the Philippine revolution of 1896, the Filipino people have fought for national and social liberation against foreign and feudal domination. But since the US defeated the Philippine republic in the Filipino-American War that started in 1899, the Filipino people have been subjected once more to foreign and feudal domination and have repeatedly sought to complete the struggle for national independence and democracy.
The formation of the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon in 1942 resulted in the most serious struggles of the people to liberate themselves from the Japanese fascist occupation during World War II and from the US-dominated puppet government up to the early 1950s. But serious opportunist errors of the leadership of the old merger party of the Communist and Socialist parties led to defeat. The rectification of these errors from 1966 onwards paved the way for the reestablishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines in 1968 and founding of the New People’s in 1969.
Since 1946, when the US granted nominal independence, the ruling system in the Philippines has become semi-colonial politically; i.e. ruled indirectly by the US through its Filipino political agents. It has retained its semi-feudal character economically; i.e. maintained directly by the comprador big bourgeoisie and landlord class and their political agents in collaboration with the US and other foreign monopoly capitalists.
The Filipino people aspire to free themselves from oppression and exploitation. Thus, the CPP has put forward the general line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war. This program seeks to realize national independence and democracy, social justice, land reform and national industrialization, a national, scientific and mass culture, international solidarity and peace.
The working class is the leading class in the democratic and socialist stages of the revolution. The peasantry is the main force of the revolution and demands the agrarian revolution. It serves as the largest source of personnel and inexhaustible resource base for the people’s army and people’s war. It provides the widest physical and social terrain for the people’s army to maneuver against the enemy in the expanse of the countryside.
The armed struggle is the the main form of revolutionary struggle. It answers the central question of revolution, which is the seizure of political power. But the united front is also an important weapon of the revolution. The basic worker-peasant alliance is the foundation of such united front, which includes the urban petty bourgeoisie as one more basic revolutionary ally and further takes on board the national bourgeoisie as a positive though vacillating ally. Under given circumstances, the united front may be further broadened as to take advantage of splits among the reactionaries and thereby aggravate and hasten the isolation and destruction of the enemy.
The NPA carries out the strategic line of protracted people’s war, which means encircling the cities from the countryside and accumulating strength until conditions are ripe for the seizure of the cities on a nationwide scale. This strategic line is of decisive importance. It allows the NPA and other revolutionary forces of the people to grow from small to big and from weak to strong. It avoids a war of quick decision which favors the militarily far superior enemy forces.
In a protracted people’s war, the NPA has the chance to develop in stages. At first, it takes the strategic defensive against the enemy’s strategic offensive but launches guerrilla warfare, waging tactical offensives that it can win until it has accumulated enough strength to put the enemy in a strategic stalemate. Through a combination of regular mobile warfare and guerrilla warfare during the strategic stalemate, it can destroy the enemy forces faster and change the balance of forces until it puts the enemy on the strategic defensive and reaches the strategic offensive.
In carrying out the people’s war, the NPA integrates armed struggle with agrarian revolution and mass base building. It gains the inexhaustible support of the peasantry only by carrying out the agrarian revolution. The fulfillment of the peasant demand for land is the main content of the democratic revolution. The mass base of the revolution must also be built by forming the mass organizations, the local organs of political power and the local CPP branches. Thus, wave upon wave, the people’s democratic government replaces the power of the reactionary state.
The agrarian revolution is done in two stages. The first is the minimum land reform program, which involves rent reduction, elimination of usury, fair wages to the farm workers, fair prices for products at the farm gate and raising production in agriculture and sideline occupation through rudimentary cooperation. The second is the maximum land reform program, which involves the confiscation of land from the landlords and the free and equable distribution of the land to the landless tillers. The anti-feudal united front relies mainly on the poor peasants and farm workers, wins over the middle peasants and takes advantage of the splits among the landlords in order to isolate and destroy the power of the despotic landlords.
The local organs of political power constitute the people’s democratic government and are established at the barrio, municipal and higher possible levels. The barrio revolutionary committees are assisted by working committees concerned with mass organizing, public education, land reform, production, health care, defense, arbitration, cultural activities and so on. They are supported by the mass organizations of workers, peasants, women, youth, children, cultural activists and so on in the implementation of social programs, campaigns and activities. The local CPP branch that arises from the local mass base takes the lead in mass work and governance..
II. Growth and Victories of the NPA
Under the leadership of the CPP, the NPA and other revolutionary forces of the people have preserved themselves, grown in strength and won great victories since the founding of the NPA in 1969 because they have a just revolutionary cause, which is the national and social liberation of the people from the terrible scourges of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. They have a clear program of people’s democratic revolution, the correct strategy and tactics and a definite socialist perspective.
We started the NPA from scratch in the second district of Tarlac in 1969. We had only 9 automatic rifles and 26 other inferior firearms to rotate among 60 Red fighters to whom we had given politico-military training. But we were confident. We had a party that had avidly studied Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary experience of the Filipino people, the teachings of Comrade Mao Zedong and the writings of Vietnamese comrades on building the people’s army and waging thepeople’s war. We benefited from the guerrilla experience and mass base of 80,000 people in Tarlac as well as from the urban-based mass movement which we had resumed and revitalized..
We anticipated that Tarlac would become the focus of enemy attacks as soon as we launched tactical offensives in the people’s war. Thus, we recognized immediately the urgent need for expansion cadres to start the revolution in as many other regions and provinces as soon as possible. We gave politico-military training to a few expansion cadres for certain provinces in the Cagayan Valley, Central Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bikol and Western Visayas. In the period of 1969-72 (before the martial law period), the most successful of the expansion efforts was in the Cagayan Valley, especially Isabela.
In 1969-71, in less than two years, we were able to increase the number of NPA rifles to 200 through tactical offensives in Tarlac and we almost captured another 200 rifles from the armory of Camp O’Donnel of the US Navy. We were very successful at the minimum land reform program and improving the housing of many people. As early as 1969, Marcos organized Task Force Lawin, with a total strength of 5000 military troops and policemen.
By 1971 the CPP Central Committee had shifted its headquarters to Isabela to direct the rapid growth of the mass base (already about 200,000 people), the land reform campaign, the accelerated politico-military training of expansion cadres for the Northern Luzon and other regions of the country and the intensification of armed struggle with a significant increase of rifles from the successful raid on the armory of the Philippine Military Academy in December 1970. The Marcos regime formed the Task Force Saranay of so many battalions in Isabela after the enemy noticed the use of the Browning automatic rifles captured from the PMA raid.
Aside from developing the revolution in a region of strategic importance, the greatest value yielded by building the guerrilla bases and zones in Isabela was the politico-military training and the experience of guerrilla war and mass work given to the trade unionists and youth activists that came from cities all over the country, thanks especially to Kabataang Makabayan and the First Quarter of 1970. By early 1972, a significant number of expansion cadres had flowed out to new areas of expansion nationwide, including the rest of Northeast Luzon, Northwest Luzon, Central Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bicol, Visayas and Mindanao.
As early as 1970, the CPP was already forming regional Party committees to start the people’s war in their respective regions, with the assistance of mass organizations. Such regional Party committees tried to do their best and became ever more successful as they accumulated experience and summed up lessons, including bitter ones, and as they were reinforced by cadres and fighters who had previous politico-military training and guerrilla experience from Tarlac and Isabela. Consequent to the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in 1971 and the declaration of martial law in 1972, significant numbers of trade unionists and youth activists joined the people’s army.
When Marcos declared martial law, he claimed that the NPA had 10,000 fighters but in fact it had only about 350 rifles in the hands of the NPA fighters, excluding the people’s militia and self-defense units of the mass organizations. A relatively big number of national cadres were released from underground administrative functions in 1974 to be integrated into the people’s army and to conduct rural mass work. By December 1975 the country was well covered by relatively stable regional committees of the CPP and regional NPA commands.
The two NPA companies that had been isolated in the Isabela forest region since 1972, because of a wrong decision by the regional Party committee, marched out towards Cagayan province in 1975. The NPA in Eastern Visayas started to carry out platoon-size guerrilla offensives and these grew more frequent from 1976 onwards. The NPA grew steadily in Northwest Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bicol and Western Visayas. It expanded rapidly in Mindanao. It was the first to use the term guerrilla front to define the combination of guerrilla bases and zones in a contiguous area. The CPP Central Committee adopted the use of the term and instructed the Mindanao Party Committee to divide the big region into several regions in 1976.
After the 1975 Plenum and the subsequent carrying out of guerrilla offensives nationwide, it became clear that both the CPP and the NPA were truly nationwide forces with deep roots among the masses in the regions and provinces. The point had been reached that the NPA forces could withstand concentrated enemy attacks on one guerrilla front or a whole region and could fight back not only in that guerrilla front or region but also in several regions and guerrilla fronts where the enemy forces were weaker. On a national scale, the CPP and NPA had overcome tremendous odds, become tempered in struggle and gained the strength for continuous growth.
When I was captured in November 1977, the NPA was already at the level of 1500 automatic rifles, excluding the far bigger number of men and women in the people’s militia and self defense units. I was confident that the CPP and NPA would grow in strength further and become a major factor in the overthrow of the Marcos fascist dictatorship. The NPA reached the level of 3000 rifles in 1983 and 5600 automatic rifles in 1986. Fearing the growth of the people’s war, the US, the Catholic church and the big comprador-landlord oligarchs in the country decided within the period of 1984 to 1986 that Marcos had become more of a liability than an asset and had to be removed from power the way Duvalier had been deposed.
The people’s army grew in strength and the people’s war spread because of the Maoist leadership in both the CPP and NPA. The cadres and fighters were well-versed on the specific characteristics of the people’s war in the Philippines, the revolutionary guide to land reforms and the urgent tasks in building the mass base.
Despite overall growth in the 1980s, a few members of the Central Committee spread the subjectivist notion that the Philippine was no longer semi-feudal and that by implication Marcos had greatly developed the economy with his big comprador-landlord policy dependent on foreign loans. Based on said notion, Right and “Left” opportunism arose and slowed what should have been a faster rate of growth. The opportunists deviated from the analysis of the Philippine economy as semifeudal, the general political line of people’s democratic revolution and the strategic line of protracted people’s war.
The worst of the Right opportunists wanted to do away with the working class leadership and make the bourgeois-led united front the main weapon and legal struggle the main form of struggle. The worst of the Left “opportunists” wanted to enlarge and regularize NPA combat units, without minding agrarian revolution and building the mass base. Upon failure of their line, the military adventurists raised a hysteria about deep penetration agents and engaged in witch hunts, thus eroding the strength of the revolutionary movement and the mass base in certain areas at various times from 1985 onwards.
Happily, the CPP launched the Second Great Rectification Movement in 1992. Comrades Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Tiamzon played important roles in this educational movement. Since then, the CPP and NPA have won resounding victories in reaffirming basic revolutionary principles and the strategic line of protracted people’s war, regaining the mass base (60 percent of which had been lost by 1991 due to the “Left” opportunist line), revitalizing the mass movement and carrying forward the people’s war. The line of the people’s war has been sharpened as the waging of extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on the basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base. It has been resoundingly successful.
At present, the CPP is reported to have about 150,000 members, the NPA has about 10,000 fighters, the people’s militia tens of thousands of personnel, and the self-defense units hundreds of thousands. The guerrilla fronts number more than 110 covering significant portions of 71 provinces. The mass organizations have members in millions; and the people’s democratic government has millions of people in its territory. Despite the recent arrest of Comrades Tiamzon and Austria, the revolutionary movement of the people will continue to grow in strength and advance. There is a far bigger mass movement now than when Julie and I were captured in 1977.
The CPP, NPA and the revolutionary forces of the people have withstood and prevailed over the attempts of the 14-year fascist dictatorship and the subsequent pseudo democratic regimes to destroy them with US-instigated national plans of military suppression and deception, like the current Oplan Bayanihan. It has been proven again and again that the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the general line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war are correct and invincible against the rotten ruling system which is in a chronic crisis that is always worsening.
III. Prospects of the NPA and People’s War
Like the CPP, the NDFP has declared that the general line for people’s democratic revolution for the protracted people’s war is the same line for the peace negotiations with the reactionary government and that the people’s war is justified for so long as the demand of the people for national and social liberation is not satisfied. The revolutionary forces and the people consider the peace negotiations as a way of carrying forward and helping realize their demand for national independence and democracy .
They always resist the reactionary government’s obsession of perpetuating the semicolonial and semifeudal system and seeking the capitulation and pacification of the revolutionary movement. They have made clear that they are ever ready for the eventuality that their enemy terminate the peace negotiations. The reactionary government has been brazenly disrespecting and violating existing agreements, like The Hague Joint Declaration, The Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees and the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law.
The CPP and NPA are determined to realize the plan to advance from the strategic defensive to the strategic stalemate in the near term and to overthrow the ruling system and establish the people’s democratic revolution in the long run. They intend to bring up the number of CPP members to 250,000, NPA to 25,000, the guerrilla fronts to 200 and the scope of the agrarian revolution and the mass base to many more millions of people.
They aim to advance until they reach the strategic offensive in order to overthrow the ruling system and establish the people’s democratic state system. They are confident of advancing from stage to stage in the people’s war because they fight for the just revolutionary cause of the Filipino for national and social liberation, because they have the correct general line and strategy, because they accumulate strength though hard work and struggle and because conditions favorable to the revolution are provided by the unprecedentedly grave and ever worsening crisis of global capitalism and the domestic ruling system.
The broad masses of the people suffer terribly from the escalation of exploitation under the neoliberal economic policy, from state terrorism and from the imperialist wars of aggression. But they are driven to fight ever more fiercely for their national and social liberation and for a fundamentally new and better world of greater freedom, social justice, development, cultural upliftment and peace.
Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Communist Party of the Philippines
March 30, 2014
Lugh Ildánach reacted to lenin86 in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines
Intensify the offensives to seize further initiative in advancing the people’s war http://www.ndfp.net/web2014/index.php/discourse/2070-intensify-the-offensives-to-seize-further-initiative-in-advancing-the-people-s-war
Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in Thousands of foetuses incinerated to heat UK hospitals
Certainly the organised proletariat are unlikely to do such things while they cling to their current superstitious attachments, but sure where would we be without a little superstition!!
It's a similar dynamic as the immigration debate, do we embrace the current reality of human existence or do we try to change it to match the limitation of existing resources? If we cannot burn a foetus that did not make it past a few weeks of implantation to provide heat for the living, can we at the same time close borders and stop people seeking out a larger share of the world's resources for themselves simply to preserve resources and work conditions for Irish workers?
And the converse is true, if we treat human life itself as something to be managed efficiently, then what becomes of the inefficient?
These are wider philosophical debates that can be deployed on either side of the arguments, but do little to address the underlying issue of the necessity of class struggle. Ultimately the proletariat will have to answer these questions for themselves. When capitalists frame the debate and are the only ones who have the power to impose solutions, it should not surprise us that their answer to this philosophical debate presents as a very ugly reality. But I'm not sure we should rely on that reality to inform ourselves of anything except that we oppose capitalism. The wider philosophical questions will remain long after capitalism is buried. The holocaust is not in the burning of foetuses, it is in the nature of current mode of production and in everything it tuns it's attention to.
Lugh Ildánach reacted to nico in The Gentrification Of Charlemont Street
Like Moore Street, Charlemont Street is facing the loss of something of great historical importance, its People!
Many working class districts around Dublin are facing tough decisions these days. Run-down neighbourhoods have impacted on peoples lives, and neoliberal urban policy initiatives have led entire working class districts to becoming completely gentrified. Working Class people are being driven out to the margins of the city, while their homes are destroyed to make way for massive office blocks, and middle-class-filled private apartments. Local indigenous communities are being displaced, confined, and their neighbourhoods completely decimated, by the unscrupulousness activities of big-time crooked private property developers.
Even with all this building going on, no new opportunities ever present themselves in the long run for the local populations, who after a few years of living in newly built houses they received as payment for all their troubles, soon then find themselves back to square one, under an alien social structure, fighting for equal opportunities, and searching once again for decent, adequate housing, as has happened already around the country in the not too distant past.
Social exclusion has had a major impact on the way we govern ourselves too. It has left us voiceless, all the while the major decisions in our lives are made, undemocratically, on our behalf.
So we ask you, will you stand up, and support you local communities?
Inner City Communities of Ireland Unite, You Have Nothing to Lose But Your Chains!
Save Charlemont Street
Lugh Ildánach reacted to lenin86 in Revolutionary groups press for Tiamzons’ release, refute gov’t claims
Revolutionary groups press for Tiamzons’ release, refute gov’t claims Members of a revolutionary women’s group marched in downtown Manila to press for the release of Wilma Austria-Tiamzon and Benito Tiamzon, alleged leaders of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and peace consultants for the underground umbrella group National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Their faces covered in masks, members of Makabayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (Makibaka), an allied organization of NDFP, carried CPP and New People’s Army (NPA) flags and placards condemning the arrest of Austria and Tiamzon, who along with five others, were captured by combined military and police elements in Carcar City, Cebu on Saturday, March 22. The lightning rally was also conducted a few days before NPA’s 45th anniversary on March 29. Malaya Libertad, Makibaka spokesperson, described Austria as an epitome of a revolutionary woman. “She should be exalted and not be incarcerated like an ordinary criminal,” Libertad said. “She should be released immediately especially that her health is failing.” She added that unlike President Aquino, the Tiamzons personally oversaw relief and rehabilitation efforts for victims of typhoon Yolanda in Eastern Visayas. Austria, Libertad said, was in the forefront of rehabilitation efforts specifically for women and children. Illegal arrest? In her letter obtained by Pinoy Weekly, Wilma Austria said that at the time of their arrest, they were carrying identification cards and safe conduct passes issued through the Joint Agreement on Immunity and Safety Guarantee (Jasig). Austria said the arresting officers did not give recognition to it and instead confiscated the documents. Military and government officials insist that the arrest of the couple and their companions were within legal bounds and denied that the Tiamzons are protected from arrest under Jasig. Alex Padilla, chief negotiator for the Government of the Philippines (GPH), said that the Tiamzons have never been in any peace negotiation. “We had not seen even their shadows,” Padilla said. He also added that NDFP consultants who were released by virtue of Jasig returned to the underground movement and continued fulfilling tasks to overthrow the government. He insisted that that Jasig is inoperational due to the stalled peace negotiations. But the NDFP reiterated that the Jasig is still operational even when negotiations are stalled. “Alex Padilla should not use the issue of (NDFP) consultants who returned in the underground after their release,” Austria said. She said it is imperative for NDFP consultants to be with their constituents. “This is to assure that we strictly follow their genuine interest in the process of peace talks,” Austria explained in her letter. Even former government negotiating panel chairman Silvestre H. Bello III urged the government to honor the Jasig. In a Davao Today report, Bello said, “The JASIG took effect upon signing by the parties and will be in effect until it is terminated by either party through a written notice.” He added that the NDFP has two lists–one bearing real names and the other bearing assumed names or aliases. So far, there has been no official termination of the peace negotiations between GPH and NDFP. Revolution continues The CPP has dismissed as “hallucination” claims by the military and some personalities that the arrest of Austria and Tiamzon will “doom” the revolutionary movement. It described as “self-delusional” Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Chief-of-Staff Gen. Emmanuel Bautista’s calls for NPA members to surrender. The CPP said that Aquino has failed to address the root causes of the armed conflict. Majority of Filipinos, it said, still suffers from widespread unemployment, low wages, high prices, land grabbing and landlessness. Widespread human rights abuses have also been committed by the AFP, especially in the countryside. The CPP also said that it has a system of “orderly succession” in case its leaders fall in the hands of their enemy. Prof. Jose Maria Sison, CPP founding chairman and currently NDFP’s chief political consultant, meanwhile, dismissed government officials’ claims that the Tiamzons are at odds with him regarding the peace process. “The Tiamzon couple are in support of the peace negotiations. That’s why they are consultants in the peace negotiations. The claims of high officials and military officers of the reactionary government that the Tiamzon couple are at odds with the CPP founding chairman and the NDFP Negotiating Panel is a malicious intrigue,” Sison said. http://pinoyweekly.org/new/2014/03/revolutionary-groups-press-for-tiamzons-release-refute-govt-claims/
Lugh Ildánach reacted to nico in The Gentrification Of Charlemont Street
The term ‘gentrification’ was coined in 1964 by sociologist – Ruth Glass. She defined it as a change in the social structure and housing market in working class areas. She explained – "One by one, many of the working class quarters have been invaded by the middle class - upper and lower ... Once this process of 'gentrification' starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the working class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed" (Glass, 1964, p.xvii).
Predominately a working class neighbourhood, Charlemont Street had witnessed some drastic changes down through the years. At one time they were host to some of the worst tenement slums in Dublin, revolutionary Marxist, James Connolly, resided there for a short while. Charlotte Street, recently destroyed, used to be an ancient road that led directly to the Battle of Rathmines in 1649. In later years it housed many working class families.
Long after the slums had since gone, and Charlotte Street wiped from the face of the planet, new and modern buildings started springing up from where the old tenement houses once stood. This quick change from antiquated to contemporary was the signalling precursor for the beginning of what was to become the unyielding gentrification process of Charlemont Street.
Dubbed the 'Millionaires Quarter' for reasons I will now outline below, Harcourt Street, Adilade Road, Iveagh Court, and Charlemont Street, all fall within this section of big business, and corporate elite. Central Bank has one of its offices there, and many other financial enterprises also occupy the district. Two Luas stations are both situated within a 3 minute walk in either direction from Tom Kelly flats, and a Star Bucks sits neatly on the corner. A new Hotel looks over the canal surrounded by massive office spaces on all sides. And all are within a stones throw away from each other in this playground for the rich, hence its nom de guerre.
And sitting smack bang in the middle of this once proud working class part of Dublin, now a mainly central business district, lies Charlemont Street and Tom Kelly Flats; where some of the last remaining remnants of the labouring class from the entire area now live.
In the early 90's, property developer Sean Reilly, of Alcove Properties, paid just under £4m for a one-acre plot at the top of Harcourt Street and Charlemont Street.
Reilly's planning application consisted of “150,000 sq ft new seven-storey commercial office building comprising 30,000 sq ft on Harcourt Street, as well as a six-storey extension of about 12,000 sq ft to the Iveagh Court building with a realigned front entrance”.
It wasn't long before Reilly set up shop and commenced work on over 100 new private apartments, and a new major office space.
But even before any work had started, negotiations were well under way with the residents in Charlemont Street and Tom Kelly Flats, and Reilly's spokespeople, and DCC. In what way were the new buildings going to effect the residents lives, for better or worse, was the point of argument from the residents at hand.
Some issues raised by the concerned locals were about how the levels of dust, dirt and debris, travelling from the site into the complex, would affect them? How would the noise pollution from any work being carried out, such as drilling, and deliveries coming in and out at all ours, also affect them? Would any employment be available for Charlemont Streets largely unemployed population? Why should the residents have to suffer intolerably as their lives are disrupted, their neighbours displaced, their street transformed forever, and forced then to live beside a construction site for the duration of its build, right across the road from their homes. What was in it for them? Those were some of the very reasonable questions asked.
Reassuring the residents, Reilly's spokespeople responded by expressing that all their concerns would be taking on board, and that the issues raised would not be a problem once construction had begun. Also offered by Reilly at the time were full time jobs for the locals in the construction industry, and a promise of new job growth for the area once construction was completed. Some of the residents living in the front Blocks that were closest to the building site, received small amounts of compensation that amounted little to nothing, as soon as the full scale of things finally unfurled.
Despite all the residents concerns, they might as well have been living on the construction site for its entire duration. For months on end, they were unable to hang out clothes to dry because of the dirt and dust that hung on the air, and clung to everything like a magnet to a fridge. They were unable to sleep at night because of the noise pollution from late night deliveries and workers on overtime. The flats complex was littered with debris. And people were left feeling the pinch after hardly any jobs were giving to any of the locals as promised, unemployment remained pretty much at the same rate as before and after the buildings were built.
Once construction commenced and the last remaining Georgian working class homes were levelled to the ground, all the promises to the residents Reilly made previously, were broken. Working class homes were soon replaced by sterile office blocks, and middle-class-filled private apartments, thus changing the whole social structure of Charlemont Street, and with that, sealing the fate of peoples lives, forever.
The entire area had been completely hemmed in.
The gentrifiers had made their mark!
Part II coming soon...
Lugh Ildánach reacted to lenin86 in The Murder of Fred Hampton
Great video and a great hero. I see a lot on the internet some anarchists trying to claim Black Panthers like Fred Hampton and Huey P Newton. When in reality they were influenced and identified more with Marx, Lenin, Che, Mao,Ho Chi Minh, Castro, etc
Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in Fraud, Famine and Fascism - The Ukranian Genocide Myth from Hitler to Harvard
Fraud, Famine and Fascism
The Ukrainian Genocide Myth from Hitler to Harvard
by Douglas Tottle
Published 1987 in Canada
Unlike the rest of the books in this on-line library, I do not physically possess this book. I am including it here, however, because of its importance and its rarity. This book is currently out of print and extremely rare. A worldwide library search reveals that this book is only present in 28 libraries, only one of them a public library, the rest being academic libraries. Of the 28 library locations possessing the book 14 are in America.
This book documents how and why fraudulent stories about the Ukrainian famine of the 1930s made the presses worldwide and have become accepted as fact by almost everyone, despite the fact that they are provably false. The stories of millions of deaths caused by famine in Ukraine in 1933 and 1934, supposedly caused by the effects of the Soviet system, were fabricated by Nazi propagandists in their propaganda campaigns against Bolshevism. The spread of these stories to America took route through the presses of William Randolph Hearst, who has also since been proven, as I have documented on this website, to have been working in collaboration with the Nazis and publishing Nazi propaganda in mainstream American publications throughout the later half of the 1930s and into the 1940s.
These fabrications, which are well documented in this book, have become almost completely accepted as facts by Americans, and these fabrications have been repeatedly used, and are still used, by politicians despite the fact that they are provably false and were provably produced by a Nazi conspirator. The fact that William Randolph Hearst was conspiring with the Nazis during the 1930s is proven outside of this book, and is a part of official American government record, yet his fabricated publications about the Ukrainian famine are still referenced as fact today.
This book does not claim that no famine took place in Ukraine, or that there were not hardships related to the collectivization programs of the Soviets. The book is an examination of the stories published about the famine that did take place, and how those stories became politicized.
A pdf copy of this book is linked below.
Lugh Ildánach reacted to lenin86 in The Last Maoist Village in China
In Nanjie Village, locals still wake to loudspeakers blaring "The East Is Red," the classic anthem of People's Republic of China during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. Nanjie, with more than 3,100 residents, is touted as one of the last models of communist China, where the principles of the late Chairman Mao still strictly guide the people's daily lives. In the 1980s, when the rest of China was introducing market reforms, Nanjie went the other direction, collectivizing its farms and industries. Aside from free housing, healthcare, food rations and education, locals working in the village's factories receive an average salary of 2,500 yuan (about $400 USD). Reuters photographer Jason Lee recently traveled to Nanjie, coming back with the photographs below. [20 photos]
Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in OECD: one in 11 Irish people say they have not enough money to buy food.
Is this health spend of individual? I'm not surprised that it is higher than eu average as many other eu countries have decent public health and so don't need health insurance, and the decrease in spending is due to people cutting back on their private cover which of course means that in the absence of decent public service that they are essentially without any health cover at all. And in this environment medical cards are being withdrawn more and more!
Lugh Ildánach reacted to lenin86 in E-Maili sent in protest to European Commissioner for research Máire Geoghegan-Quinn
E-Mail sent by Páirtí Poblachtach Dearg
E-Mail Template to European Commissioner for research Máire Geoghegan-Quinn : email@example.com To the Commissioner I am writing to you in protest against your continued financial support of Zionist Apartheid and the Genocide of the Palestinian people. I reiterate the calls you have ignored from Unions and Academics in Ireland asking that you adhere to EU guidelines and immediately cease funding projects that are undertaken within Israeli Settlements in the Occupied West Bank and therefore should not be eligible for the funding that you continue to grant to them. I also request that your granting of funding applications to Irish Universities who are involved in researching and developing weaponry and materials for Israel is ended forthwith. By allocating funding to projects which ultimately lead to further suffering for the Palestinian People and in doing so outside EU guidelines you are awarding Zionism, the genocide of the Palestinian people, with official EU and State recognition and support. You are also infringing upon the alleged neutrality of the Irish state, as an elected representative of the Irish state, you are actively contributing to the Israeli Defence Forces and their genocide in Palestine. You need to stop. Is mise le meas
Páirtí Poblachtach Dearg