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Lugh Ildánach

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  1. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in The Fall of Ireland’s Mighty Quinn   
    If he lost it all, how the hell is he paying all these legal fees???? Just like other criminals, they should be calling in CAB to take his assets off him, and getting a UN order to freeze his international assets and prevent him, his clann and their ill-gotten gains from travelling!
  2. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in Study: 7.3 million in U.S. prison system in '07   
    Thanks to bie for bringing this article to my attention. I can't find more up to date figures, but those actually behind bars in the US has risen from 1.6 million in 2006 to over two million today - so that must mean even more in the total system.
    As pointed out in this article http://soviet.ie/ind...o-solzhenitsyn/ that is a much higher percentage of the population than were in the prison system in the USSR during the supposed "Stalinist terror," of the late 1930s - which is actually mostly a figment of Nazi propaganda.
    This is total class war. But in the US, unlike the USSR, its total class war waged by the rich against the Workers. One in 31 Americans are in the prison system. One in 11 Black Adults. One can imagine the feeling of terror that puts into the rest of the population - particularly the Black population - and how it forces them into submission to a criminal social order.
  3. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to nico in Comrade Tony Taylor - RNU   
    Prison service, PSNI & NHS staff play games with ill republican prisoner

    RNU have expressed dismay and concern at the sick antics of the Maghaberry administration who have again used the plight of seriously ill POW Tony Taylor to confuse and cause maximum distress to his wife and family.
    Yesterday afternoon, Tony (who suffers from injuries he sustained in an explosion in the early 90s), was taken from Maghaberry Gaol to an outside hospital after a severe infection caused his right arm to swell at an alarming rate.
    Tony who is on full dirty protest in Roe House, lost his spleen in the explosion and had his body peppered with shrapnel which is still present, this makes him vulnerable to infection as his immune system is particularly compromised. Infections if left untreated can lead to blood poisoning and in Tony’s case can prove fatal.
    At no time did the prison administration contact Tony’s wife or family to inform them he had been taken to an outside hospital, it was only through conversation with other prisoner’s families that the news reached his wife late yesterday evening.
    On calling the Gaol, his wife was then denied details as to his medical condition and was even refused knowledge of the which hospital had been taken to.
    Being given the impression that he was in Lagan Valley hospital, Tony’s wife then spoke to a senior staff nurse there who flatly refused to give her any details on either his condition or exact whereabouts. From the language and attitude displayed by this nurse it appears that she had been briefed not to divulge any such details to anybody who called on Tony’s behalf.
    Only when she persevered and again called Lagan Valley, this time speaking to a junior staff member did Tony’s wife discover that he was in fact in Belfast City Hospital and was undergoing treatment for a serious infection to his arm.
    On discovering that Tony’s wife had again called, the previous senior nurse then came back onto the phone and lambasted her for calling back, insisting that she stop calling the hospital on behalf of her husband.
    Upon calling Belfast City Hospital, Tony’s wife was again met with resistance from staff who refused to divulge any information as to the condition of their patient; again it appeared that staff had been briefed not to speak to any callers about Tony’s wellbeing or whereabouts.
    Several times in calls to the Gaol governor, Tony’s wife was told that a visit with him was out of the question, all the time being given imprecise information about his condition and exact whereabouts.
    Eventually this morning she was told that Tony was on his way back to Roe House as his condition had been treated, however on again calling Belfast City Hospital she was informed that he was in fact still in their care and under armed PSNI guard.
    Upon demanding an explanation from the Maghaberry administration for the confusion caused, Tony’s wife was told that the PSNI were in control of the situation and that it was a matter for them.
    Tony is currently still in Belfast City Hospital and is not on his way to Roe House as previously claimed by the Maghaberry administration.
    This sustained confusion and refusal to divulge information is leading to unbearable stress and worry on the family of Tony Taylor.
    RNU believe that worry is deliberately being visited on Tony’s family in direct retaliation for his commitment to the Dirty Protest in defence of the August agreement in Maghaberry and in hope that visiting suffering on families will place further pressure on protesting prisoners.
    We would ask NHS staff not to be press ganged into going along with these tactics and demand that they respect the rights of families to know about the condition and whereabouts of their loved ones.
    We condemn attempts to put pressure on families of protesting POWs from any quarter and salute their resolve, we also call for the immediate release of Tony Taylor on medical grounds alone, it is clear that his medical condition is placing his life in danger within the confines of Maghaberry prison.

  4. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to Frithbheart32 in The Fall of Ireland’s Mighty Quinn   
    Quinn is a monumental scumbag, worse then any drug dealer, bank robber, extortionist or murderer, he is far worse
    His ilk are responsible for untold misery and dread among the working class of this nation
    Sad thing is he through the media had people fooled into thinking he a decent skin, man of the people
    The simple country boy from Fermanagh, comes accross border, makes his fortune, gives hs workers afew extra schillings on top their meagre salaries.
    All the while living ultra lavish lifestyle at their expense, free loans from banking buddies to fund this unimaginable gluttony
    But when Western Capitalism went tits up, his buddies from Anglo came calling for those loans back
    And what does Sean do?, snubs his banker pals, and worse leaves his workers in lurch unsure of their future
    While he runs accross border, for santuary and pleads for help from the Brits who he once claimed he couldnt wait to get away from to become part of trendy rich gombeen class in South
    He is King Scum, enemy of Ireland and the peope, a lowly rat
  5. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in University intellectuals to debate War of Independence titled 'glorious four years of conflict' or 'squalid sectarian conflict'   
    I'm only wading my way through Conor Kostick's book on the period, but he is making a clear case that the conflict was as much a class conflict as anything, and that any victories against the political and economic establishment was won by workers, either by taking over their places of work, and by their refusal to co-operate with the British authorities, much more so than it was by any military action by the IRA.
    To suggest that it was a sectarian conflict is ridiculous, it was the outcome of the war and partition which really injected the sectarian energy into the situation.
  6. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from nico in Occupy Movement, promise or pointless?   
    I don't see NAMA being a direct answer to those on the street. Of course, anyone sleeping rough needs a roof over their head, but I think the causes of sleeping rough are much more varied and complex to be solved by such a simplistic answer.
    Where NAMA stock could have really positive effect would be to house those on the social housing lists. That would help tenants out of the hands of private landlords, and any costs involved would be offset considerably by a huge reduction in rent supplement which currently goes into the pockets of those landlords and keeps rents artificially high (although the limits were reduced significantly last week, but that's a different story).
    Getting people into secure public tenancy would have a preventative effect in respect of homelessness. Family breakup, and the difficulty to secure private tenancies when this occurs, are significant factors in why people end up on the street. If you provide greater security of tenancy in the first place, it will have an effect throughout the system, and ensure that fewer people end up on the street in the first place.
    That's not to say that there isn't a use for NAMA property for those sleeping rough, by increasing hostel or emergency accommodation, but the needs of the homeless are greater than just a roof over their heads. As well as the physical space needed, there also needs to be more resources ploughed into support services, but that's a huge issue and one which NAMA stock can't solve by itself.
  7. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in Your Rights & How to Deal with the Gardaí   
    Interesting to note that according to this article, that you do NOT have to give your name and address to a garda unless he suspects that you have committed an offence. I've seen people arrested for not giving a name, although interestingly enough I never heard of any convictions!
  8. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from nico in Occupy Movement, promise or pointless?   
    I don't see NAMA being a direct answer to those on the street. Of course, anyone sleeping rough needs a roof over their head, but I think the causes of sleeping rough are much more varied and complex to be solved by such a simplistic answer.
    Where NAMA stock could have really positive effect would be to house those on the social housing lists. That would help tenants out of the hands of private landlords, and any costs involved would be offset considerably by a huge reduction in rent supplement which currently goes into the pockets of those landlords and keeps rents artificially high (although the limits were reduced significantly last week, but that's a different story).
    Getting people into secure public tenancy would have a preventative effect in respect of homelessness. Family breakup, and the difficulty to secure private tenancies when this occurs, are significant factors in why people end up on the street. If you provide greater security of tenancy in the first place, it will have an effect throughout the system, and ensure that fewer people end up on the street in the first place.
    That's not to say that there isn't a use for NAMA property for those sleeping rough, by increasing hostel or emergency accommodation, but the needs of the homeless are greater than just a roof over their heads. As well as the physical space needed, there also needs to be more resources ploughed into support services, but that's a huge issue and one which NAMA stock can't solve by itself.
  9. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to nico in Rachel Peavoy   
    Rachel is a working class martyr who died this day two years ago at the hands of the bastard landlord's of DCC (Dublin City Council) when they turned off her heating in Ballymun Flats, she died of hypothermia.
    She will never be forgotten!
    Rest in Peace Rachel!
    Leontia, rachel's sister, has asked if people who support Rachel's campaign, if they can change there profile picture to Rachel just for tomorrow to mark her 2nd year anniversary, thanks.

  10. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to nico in Marxists Internet Archive   
    The Marxists Internet Archive (MIA, http://www.marxists.org/) is an all-volunteer, non-profit public library, started more than 20 years ago in 1990. In 2006, MIA averaged 1.1 million visitors per month, downloading 15.5 million files per month. This represents a 25% increase in visitors since 2005, and a 380% increase in visitors since 2000.
    Continue reading... http://www.marxists.org/admin/intro/index.htm





  11. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in Lizzy Phelan's New Blog   
    That fearless and true journalist, Lizzy Phelan, has a new blog. Her last one was destroyed by Nato agents, as she was telling too much of the truth about Libya. Please visit her blog at:
    Here is her very touching reflection on all the tragedy she has seen in recent times:
    Dear friends,
    Many of you will have followed my previous blog Lizzie’s Liberation during the time I spent in Libya over two trips, the first time on a peace delegation and the second time as a journalist.
    I was in fact the only journalist in Tripoli working for a news station that was allowed to move around the city freely and was not required to stay in the Rixos Hotel where all other such journalists were obliged to. This was for a variety of reasons. At the beginning of the crisis journalists had been allowed such freedom, but as some time went on, it became clear that their agenda was solely to confirm the NATO narrative that the Libyan people were being oppressed by a crazy dictator whom they needed protecting from by so-called “precision bombing” of military installations, in order to take out the government’s military capabilities. The fact that this is entirely illegal under international law did not seem to phase these journalists, neither did the mass rallies in support of Muammar Gaddafi, the virtually absent police and army presence in the streets (despite the city being portrayed as a police state where no-one could breathe a word against Gaddafi), or the fact that far from “precision-bombing” of military installations, many civilian lives and infrastructure were being destroyed by the abhorrently named NATO mission to “protect civilians”.
    In addition to that, it is well known that the mainstream media is under oligopoly control by the ruling class and so any pretence to a free and independent press is a farce. It has been well documented throughout the history of the west’s imperialist wars how this intimate relationship between the media and the ruling class allows the latter to use “reporters” as its eyes and ears on the ground. In Libya, this was no different and some independent researchers and journalists on the ground unsurprisingly uncovered evidence that when “journalists” were taken to visit bombing sites, instead of reporting the infrastructural damage and loss of civilian life accurately to the global public, they were merely there to take note of what had not been destroyed. And one can only conclude that this was to report back to intelligence services so that the site could be re-bombed (as they more often than not were).
    In such circumstances, you could be forgiven for being surprised that western journalists were at all allowed into the country. But the then Libyan government came to a compromise and allowed mainstream journalists into the country provided that they stayed in the Rixos Hotel where they could be kept an eye on, and were allowed out only from the vicinity with an approved escort.
    I would often myself visit the Rixos mainly for press conferences and it was under those circumstances that I found myself there the day that NATO began bombing their rabble of rebels into Tripoli.
    There are a few things that I would like to clear up about that time. Just as the first reports were coming through on Al Jazeera and other mainstream channels that the rebels had “taken” Tripoli, I was driving through the capital myself heading eventually to the Rixos. My friend had received a phone call that a couple of rebels had popped up in Souq al Juma where sleeper cells were known to be based, but as I could see for myself around me, the city was very far from “taken”.
    I am sure it bemused many that on the first day when the fighting began in Tripoli I was insisting that everything was fine and then within five days the Libyan government had been completely forced out. Of course very quickly, which my reporting also showed, things changed for the worse.
    I must stress three things, first of all as I have stated, it took five days of resistance almost purely by volunteers (as you will see shortly why) for the battle to be decided on the ground. Secondly (and here is a lesson learnt for me) while I never trusted NATO to have any conscience whatsoever, I did underestimate the lengths that they would go to in order to achieve their goals and in this video
    (from 16.48), I describe how the media portrayed “fall” of Tripoli without resistance, was in reality an immense battle whereby thousands of people resisted the onslaught and were ruthlessly massacred by NATO apache helicopters and bombs. As the then government spokesman Dr Moussa Ibrahim frantically warned the world’s press on the first night before he himself was forced to flee: “They are killing anything that moves.” 
    And finally, as is with the nature of betrayals, no-one expected perhaps the most fatal betrayal of all, that of Gaddafi’s own cousin, General Albarrani Shkal. Shkal was in charge of a large army unit in Tripoli and had been working with the rebels for some time. He had manipulated his staff rotas so that thousands of soldiers, that would have otherwise have been ready to defend the capital on the day that the assault began, were scheduled to take a holiday or to be in another location. This left the task of defending the capital largely to the thousands of ordinary men and women residents, particularly the heroic people in the city’s poorest district of Abu Salim. To this day despite that their homes and streets have been decimated, they still have not surrendered and rebels can only enter the area with large armed convoys.
    Prior to that week, my personal experience of Libya was filled with highs and lows. The lows were this constant dread which marked everyone’s faces that what surrounded us was highly likely to be destroyed at any moment, which the endless bombing would not allow you to forget. But the first high that struck me, before I got to know the people, was just the sheer beauty of the country and of Tripoli itself. A modern, relatively developed well functioning country, where as a woman the first sights that struck me were the female soldiers and volunteers stationed on some of the checkpoints on the way to the capital and the many women out driving with their friends. I have recounted some of these experiences in other blogs and vlogs.
    Of course the greatest high was the honour of being able to witness the defiance of a people’s spirit under attack by the most powerful force known to man. This I witnessed at its most potent in Majer, Zlitan, hours after several houses in the village had been repeatedly bombed by British planes massacring at least 33 children, 32 women and 20 men. My visit had not been at the same time as the dozens of other mainstream journalists, and so I can vouch that some of their despicable allegations that the scenes of emotion they saw were staged, were pure lies. After paying our respects at the mass graves where the endless bodies were being carried in by the village’s men, I with a Libyan camera crew turned on our cameras and I will never forget how the families of the victims and the people of the village, young and old flocked in desperation to make the world listen, that they wanted NATO gone and Muammar Gaddafi to stay. I no longer have those tapes as since the onslaught on Tripoli I have not heard from that camera crew and know nothing of their safety.


    But these media distortions and lies that I refer to have been at their most abhorrent when it has come to the coverage, or should I say media silence, on the systematic persecution of Black Libyans and Black migrants. I talk about this in the video linked to above and Dan Glazebrook before me goes into more depth about it. But for anyone to suggest (as it is often suggested) that this phenomenon is merely an unfortunate and distasteful consequence of the Libyan conflict, has already deceived themselves so greatly as to the very nature of the conflict, that you must be lead to seriously question with whom their loyalties lie in this world, and it certainly is not with truth and justice.
    The rebels attacks against Black people is an unleashing of their inherent racism that has been kept in check by the pro-African policies and example of Muammar Gaddafi and is the beginning of the reversal of his pan-African policies for an independent Africa. Far from being an unfortunate aspect of the rebels character, this is precisely where the rebels racist interests converge with the west’s racist interests. The best analysis on this has probably been produced by journalist Gerald A. Perreira (this article is just one example).
    The lowest point, as it would have been for many millions of people around the world, was the martyrdom of Muammar Gaddafi himself. The brutal nature of his killing and the shamelessness with which it was carried out by both the rebels and their imperial masters such as Hilary Clinton, epitomised the whole war on that country. Just as with every attack on a Libyan town, the killing of Gaddafi was lead by an American drone, followed by a French airtstrike on his convoy opening the way for the cowardly rebels to finish the job.
    That this was a war that so viciously and relentlessly criminalized the leader of an African nation, even in his killing their plot to dehumanise him to the greatest extent possible, knew no pause. But as Fanon would have said, it is these acts which only dehumanise the oppressor and his accomplices even further and lead them to dig a deeper more tormenting grave.
    And for those millions of Libyan people who knew their Leader well enough that no amount of media fabrication could confuse them, and for those who have been able to battle through those fabrications and find the real Muammar Gaddafi, he died a hero. Always true to his word, and like his national hero Omar Mukhtar, he died fighting, in his birthplace, refusing to leave his people’s side. He lives on in the hearts of millions.
    There is a lot that I would like to say about individual people who I met who had a phenomenal impact on me, but even though some of them have since been killed as a result of this war, I am unable to do so at this time because such is the hostile nature in Libya to anyone who is remotely associated with supporting the Jamahiriyah, that to speak about them would be likely to put them and their families in danger.
    But in addition to those people who know who they are, I would send my warmest greetings of solidarity to the Libyan people who over these last months became the latest victims of imperialist aggression.

    And I would like to say a brief word about the tens of thousands of political prisoners who have been scattered across the country, their crime being that they did not support the NATO onslaught or the counter-revolution in their country. The fact that the shameful treatement and torture of highly regarded figures such as Dr Abuzaid Dorda, Imam Khaled Tantoush, sister Hala Misrati and Dr Ahmed Ibrahim is well known, having been broadcast across the rebel channels and YouTube, puts to bed any farcical claim that these people or their western backers have the slightest concern for justice or human life.
    On Sunday, I will be travelling to Syria, where as someone said recently on my facebook, what played out in Libya, is in many ways playing out in Syria, but much more slowly.
    At a time when we have been shown so recently that what is fed to us in the media is very far from the reality, as a journalist I feel very lucky to have the opportunity to personally speak to Syrian people to hear about how they feel about the western and Arab media portrayals of their country during this conflict.
    I hope you will continue follow me during this journey!
    Lizzie Phelan
  12. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to nico in Occupy Movement, promise or pointless?   
    The Irish squatters taking on
    empty homes and a bankrupt system
    A nascent movement in Ireland is occupying 'ghost estates' as a political protest – and in 2012 it will be testing the authorities


    Liam Mac an Bháird, who has found 25 vacant properties around Dublin for squatting. Photograph: Kim Haughton/The Guardian

    As Ireland reels from yet another austere budget and a year of economic pain, a group of young activists have begun to take over empty properties spawned by the boomand abandoned by banks and property developers across the country.
    The squatters, linked to Ireland's Occupy movement, say they plan a mass occupation of houses and flats owned by the Irish government's "bad bank", National Asset Management Agency (Nama), which took over thousands of properties that speculators handed back after the crash.
    Led by a 27-year-old Irish-language speaker and graduate from Galway, the group has already squatted a house on Dublin's northside that was worth €550,000 in the boom but is now put at under €200,000. Since the property has been empty for several years, Liam Mac an Bháird and his friends occupied it in the autumn to highlight homelessness, as well as the way builders and banks were bailed out by the taxpayer.
    There are up to 400,000 properties lying empty in the Republic, with the country's National Institute of Regional and Spatial Analysis (NIRSA) warning that the number of vacant properties could keep house prices low for years.
    Mac an Bháird concedes that his group are breaking the law but argues that they are making an important political point. "There are thousands homeless in this country with about 2,000 on the streets of Dublin alone tonight. Yet across the city there are thousands of flats, apartments, homes lying empty – some could be fit for human habitation.
    "Our occupation is a way of making a point about the system we are living under. These properties could lie vacant for up to 10 years or more – so why not put homeless people into them?"
    He reveals that the nascent movement has targeted a range of properties including an empty electronics factory in north Dublin's Smithfield district.
    "I have been arguing in the Occupy movement that we need to take over Nama-owned properties in Dublin to highlight the injustice of a system where billions were pumped into banks that lent property speculators so much money," he said.
    "Ultimately we should be talking about moving a large number of people into one of our 'ghost estates', which otherwise will lie and rot."
    The 600 or so "ghost estates" built in the Celtic Tiger years have come to symbolise the Irish recession. The cost of bailing out the banks that loaned billions to builders and property speculators during the boom has been huge. Economists put the Irish bank losses at about €106bn.
    Anger is mounting towards the institutions the majority of Irish people blame for the economic collapse: the bailed-out banks and property speculators. That anger is compounded with nationwide misery as Ireland remains mired in recession. The most recent figures from the Republic's Central Office of Statistics prior to Christmas found that Irish GDP had contracted by 1.9% in the third quarter of 2011.
    In the Occupy camp at the Central Bank of Ireland, a focal point for opposition to the banks and the bailout, Mac an Bháird stressed that their movement would impose rules on Ireland's squatters.
    "There are no drugs or drink tolerated in these places during our occupations because we are making a political stand. It is also wholly non-violent, like the Occupy movement. And we do not take anything that doesn't belong to us in the properties we squat in."
    He explained that they survive by "skip diving" – reclaiming the uneaten, unused food discarded every day by major supermarket chains.
    With the Irish government imposing a further €2.2bn of cuts in the December budget, targeting Ireland's debt, Mac an Bháird says their campaign is going to gain support from normally conservative quarters.
    "Even at the Occupy camp at the Central Bank, there are middle-class people coming up and telling us they agree with our stance. It is the middle classes who are now paying for the greed of the bankers and the builders, and this corrupt system. They can see the logic behind taking over buildings that otherwise would be left to rot for years."
    The campaigners aim to soon target a major Nama-owned building in Dublin and test the attitude of the authorities.
    "It will be interesting to see if they are prepared to put homeless people out of the building, given that it is owned by the state and hence the people, and given that will be likely to lie empty for years," he adds.
  13. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in Dixons Advertising for Slaves   
    I see that the job has been deleted from their system!
  14. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to Cúchonnacht Ó Dálaigh in The Irish Village that said No to Austerity   
    The Irish village that said 'no' to austerity
    The usually placid people in the Irish hamlet of Ballyhea have been so enraged by the government's austerity measures that they have taken to marching in the streets every Sunday. But has anyone noticed?

    guardian.co.uk, Thursday 5 January 2012 20.30 GM


    Ballyhea villagers march against the bond-holder bailout
    As the bus pulls up on the empty road to let me off, the driver smiles at me. "This is rush hour," he jokes. "This is the most exciting thing to happen here all day." If there is one thing people know about Ballyhea, it seems, it's that it is in the middle of nowhere and nothing much happens. The taxi driver who drove me to Cork warned me of its sleepiness, and the woman sitting next to me can't understand why I am here. But the reason is simple: Ballyhea may be quiet, but it's angry.
    Residents have started marching in the hamlet – a smattering of farms and a small housing estate, pulled together by a church, petrol pump and school. The demonstration isn't long – starting from the church they walk along the main road, which connects Cork to Limerick, for a little over 10 minutes, turning back when they reach the speed-limit sign. Yet it has happened every Sunday, through rain and sun, with rising then dwindling numbers, for 43 weeks.
    The march's organiser, Diarmuid O'Flynn, says he was inspired by the Arab spring, but it's hard to think of a place further from the heat and turmoil of the Middle East than the misty fields of County Cork. Which isn't to say the inhabitants' fury isn't real.
    Dubbed the "Celtic tiger" in the 1990s, Ireland is struggling under savage austerity measures. The property boom, fuelled by banks' massive lending and foreign investment, collapsed spectacularly when the financial crises plunged the country into devastating recession in 2008. "Personal wealth has been destroyed, thousands of people are sinking into poverty, emigration has returned and unemployment is far too high," finance minister Michael Noonan admitted in December as he announced £1.4bn in tax and charge rises in a bid to drive down the country's debt from a shocking 10.1% of the country's GDP to 8.6% this year. Unemployment has risen to 14.4%, with those unable to find work leaving the country in droves; next year, the Economic and Social Research Institute predicts, 40,000 people will emigrate.
    But the part that has got the blood of the mild Ballyhea marchers boiling is the bond-holder bailout. In 2008, fearing a run on the banks, the country's former finance minister Brian Lenihan agreed to give an unlimited guarantee covering most of the bonds issued by Irish banks. At the time, it seems, he was unaware how much this could cost. The IMF, on the other hand, believed the bondholders should be "burned" and made to pay for their own mistakes, but pressure from the European Central Bank ensured this guarantee was retained. Morgan Kelly, professor of economics at University College, Dublin, has said the true cost of the bank debt could amount to €100bn and warned: "Ireland is facing economic ruin."
    Since O'Flynn, a sports reporter at the Irish Examiner, realised the scale of the problem, he has been posting on his blog the ominous amounts the banks must pay out as bonds mature – this month the total will be €3bn. "Where is the money going to come from?" he asks. "Our banks are bust. So it's going to come from us."
    Yet while the motives may be close to the Occupy movement, whose anger has swept through the US, UK and now arrived in Ireland (Cork's Occupy camp proudly displays one of Ballyhea's two banners), that's where the comparison ends. While the Occupy camps have been criticised for being too unfocused, and characterised as anti-capitalist, Ballyhea's campaign is determinedly single issue and non partisan. "We are not trying to save the world," O'Flynn tells me. "And it is not about the left and right. It is about right and wrong."
    Denis McNamara agrees. Aged 64, he had never been on a march. A farmer and businessman, from one of the parish's well known families, his concrete business felt the full effects when the the construction market collapsed. Yet it is not this that angers him. "I don't object to the fiscal adjustments in the economy; we can't spend more than we earn. What I do totally object to is repaying the bond-holders – who we had no responsibility for. We object to the government, without any consultation with the people, securing the money owed to those people [the bond-holders]."
    McNamara agrees many people in the traditionally wealthy "Golden Vale" that Ballyhea sits in are "very conservative". The timing of the march is dictated by the end of mass and attendance numbers by the fixtures of the Gaelic Athletics Association; hurling, a traditional Gaelic ball and stick game, is hugely important in the area and gives the parishes their strong identity. Which is why there are no chants, whistles or drums on the protests. "We are a pretty dignified people," says O'Flynn, "so I thought, 'Have it dignified and quiet'; just the fact we are marching – just let our feet do the talking."
    So far the event's biggest controversy was a recent decision to march on a Friday afternoon, to increase the impact. "You can see how quiet it is on a Sunday, sometimes we were only holding up one car," says O'Flynn. But causing a disruption made too many of the protestors feel uncomfortable, and after a few weeks normal times were resumed.
    Yet the mild, almost polite, nature of the protest, and the comfortable backgrounds of many of the marchers, does not mean the community has avoided the impact of the recession. O'Flynn points out that until a few years ago his brother and his family all lived in Ballyhea. "He is an engineer in the Philippines now, his son is in Poland and his two daughters are in England – there's no work around here."
    Eithne Keating, 55, who has been marching every week since June, lost her job distributing meals on wheels. Her 29-year-old son, a former groundsman, and her husband are also both unemployed. "The banks and big business were the ones making money and now we are the ones paying for it," she says. "It's so hard right now."
    O'Flynn says at first he was sure that once people knew of the marches they would take off across the country. Instead, despite a few neighbouring towns starting their own and numbers in Ballyhea swelling to 70, people have lost heart. O'Flynn says the Irish media have more or less ignored them. "People are angry, no doubt about it. On the sidewalk they shout: 'Well done! Good stuff! Keep it going,' and we would say: 'Fall in with us, we are only walking up as far as the church and down to the library.' But no. People almost universally support what I am doing, but they think it is a waste of time. People feel powerless.
    "I worked in Libya for three years and I know that what people were doing in Benghazi, well, they were taking their life into their hands. So, I say to the people here: 'You are not going to be shot, or gassed. You are not going to be torn apart – you just have to go out and walk.'"
    It's an attitude that has been noted across the country. Despite the drastic cuts, house repossessions and job losses, there have been none of the explosive, violent protests of Greece. A year ago there was a march of 100,000 people in Dublin, but since then protests have been muted – leading commentators to ask why the Irish are taking it so quietly. Many say it's because they know it's payback for living beyond their means during the boom. But O'Flynn dismisses this.
    "Around here people didn't go mad. This propaganda that we all partied through the good times is complete bullshit." Instead he blames the lack of civil disobedience on "bystander syndrome". "The more witnesses you have to a crime the less likely people are to intervene – I think that's what happening. This is the biggest bank robbery in history. The difference is it's the banks robbing us."
    McNamara says many people are worried about being seen protesting, fearing it may affect their jobs, or their ability to borrow money from the banks. And both men agree that many Irish people just feel too despairing to believe they can make a difference.
    The day I join them a cold rain is beginning to fall. Some weeks ago as numbers dropped, the Ballyhea marchers decided to join with the demonstration they sparked in neighbouring Charleville and alternate their protest location. There are only around 30 marchers when I meet them outside Charleville church, but it's a cheerful, determined group.
    Warehouse manager Pat Maloney, 45, started the Charleville marches and is out today with his 12-year-old son, Alex. "I thought I would check out the Ballyhea march and I realised it makes sense. It's not our debt. I was never given any money from the banks when things were going well, but now they want us to pay their debts? People here are marching to save local hospitals, and police stations, but they should make the connection."
    Frances O'Brien, 73, has been marching since the first day, and says she will continue because she is so worried for her grandchildren's future. As the march starts down the high street, the demonstrators chat quietly about local sport and shopping. The shops are shut and the streets are quiet apart from people hurrying to mass, but a car toots as it goes by and a lorry is forced to slow to a crawl by the cluster of protestors.
    Outside the church, Thomas Nelligan is collecting money for a youth group. He says he wouldn't consider joining a march on a Sunday morning. "A lot of people might agree with the issue but they wouldn't walk. I think a lot of people are angry, but don't like to show their feelings or be singled out ... it's just not Irish."
    Accounting student Barry McCarthy, 19, thinks it is a waste of time. He too is angry with the banks, but the march is too local to make a difference and is just a nuisance, he insists. Yet as the Ballyhea marchers disperse, dismantling their two signs, they refuse to give into lethargy and despair. "You definitely go through some terrible lows," says O'Flynn. "I thought a lot of these people were coming down because I was asking. So, I said to the group: 'Should we just pack it in?' But, 'No, no,' [they said]; they were determined."
    Instead, he says, they will continue to quietly register their anger, for the weeks and months to come. "At this stage it's not about how many – it's about how long."
  15. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Fodla32 in Mná an IRA – Dearcadh ar Leith   
    Tá sé ar an teilifis arist anocht ar 11.55 fresin!
    On again this evening at 11.55!
  16. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to nico in Save Charlemont Street   
    Save Charlemont Street

    Save Charlemont Street has been setup to highlight the injustice suffered by the people of Charlemont Street, Tom Kelly Flats at the hands of the socially inapt Property Developer Sean Reilly and Dublin City Council.

    “Office Of The High Commissioner Of Human Rights

    The right to adequate housing (Art.11 (1)) : . 12/13/1991.

    CESCR General comment 4. (General Comments)

    Habitability. Adequate housing must be habitable, in terms of providing the inhabitants with adequate space and protecting them from cold, damp, heat, rain, wind or other threats to health, structural hazards, and disease vectors. The physical safety of occupants must be guaranteed as well. The Committee encourages States parties to comprehensively apply the Health Principles of Housing 5/ prepared by W.H.O which view housing as the environmental factor most frequently associated with conditions for disease in epidemiological analyses; i.e. inadequate and deficient housing and living conditions are invariably associated with higher mortality and morbidity rates.”
    In May 1998 discussions began with Charlemont Street Committee to survey the area in regard to the opinions of residents on area regeneration: When asked if they had a problem with damp in their houses 52% of residents indicated that they had.
    13 years later and the problem still exists. Dublin City Council have failed to address the problems and have left the residents of Charlemont Street feeling vulnerable and neglected, many homes still remain riddled with dampness.
    Dublin City Council, as our landlords, have a moral obligation to look after its tenants but instead they have created a hostile environment for which the residents of Charlemont Street have to live in.
    Taken from the Dublin City Council’s website.
    Maintenance and repairs to your Council home.
    If you are a tenant in a Dublin City Council home on which you pay rent, the following repairs will be carried out by us.

    Structural repairs
    Roof repairs, repairs to external walls and doors
    Electrical faults Window repairs (excluding glass)
    Any other repairs due to the normal wear and tear

    Dublin City Council have stated that,“Tenants who are over 6 weeks in Rent Arrears will no longer have routine repairs carried out to their home”
    This is a travesty of justice for many of the residents who are forced to live in squalor while at the same time expected to pay rent for living in homes unfit for human beings.
    It is the duty of Dublin City Council to carry out this short list of maintenance and repairs on all council homes. So far they have neglected to do so. Many homes still remain in a state of degradation which is a clear and direct violation of our Human Rights.  
    The below quotes are statements taking from a report of research carried out with residents living in Dublin Corporation Housing in the Charlemont Street area. The report was conducted by the then, Charlemont Community Association in November 1998.
    It is inconceivable to believe that over 13 years later these problems still exist today.
    "Damp should not be a problem in the 1990’s. Why should my kids have asthma because of the Corporations neglect? I would be ok living here otherwise.”
    “All ground floor tenants are treated like second class citizens by other tenants. We have to put up with constant annoyance from the kids. We need proper gates around our flats to stop this.”
    “As a ground floor tenant, I lack the basic things to keep myself clean. I have to use Rathmines public baths. The Corporation as my land landlord is a slum landlord, if the corporation do not respond to our needs, they will turn the complex into a ghetto.”
    “As a young person with a ground floor flat I suppose I should be happy to have it but the only message I get around here is that I have to have a kid to get a better place.”
    “One room only, a garden I have no equipment to maintain, no bath or shower, and no immersion until I hassled a TD…not human…If I had kids maybe there would not be this hassle.”
    “I pay my rent and have an agreement, if something goes wrong that is not my fault and is to be fixed by my landlord under the agreement, why am I made to feel so bad when I look for something to be fixed!”
    “Waiting 2 years for a hole to be filled in the bedroom ceiling which is getting bigger”
    “Sometimes waiting for repairs to be done undoes something else. Repairs should be done when needed and it is not fair to leave us waiting and then having to pay for stuff to be done ourselves.”
    “Spent a fortune on phone calls to the Corporation to get them out to do anything.”
    “I would like to ask the Caretakers to clean the stairs once a week and mop up properly so not to let the water stagnate.”
    “The stairs are always filthy with an almost constant smell of urine”
    “People do not have equipment to wash down their own balconies and are not able to brush down the water. Caretakers don’t do it often enough and the job done badly.”
    “Rats…more needs to be done about them.”
    “Some form of vandal proof playground for our kids. It’s been 16 years since we’ve had one.”      
    It wasn’t too long ago that the residents of Charlemont Street were promised by Dublin City Council and property developer McNamara, that they would be living in brand new homes that would facilitate their fundamental everyday basic needs.
    The people of Charlemont Street were left waiting and wanting through the turmoil of failed negotiations with Dublin City Council that left a devastating impact on the lives of the residents. Are we going to witness another repeat of this façade that has led the residents of Charlemont Street down a path of destitution ?
    As it stands, there are no safeguards or guarantees put in place to protect ourselves from the hardship we witness today.
    We have no guarantees that if the work dries up halfway through construction we wont be left high and dry and living on a permanent construction site for the rest of our lives. There is no get-out clause for Charlemont Street’s residents, albeit a get-out clause for Property Developer Sean Reilly is more likely in place, residents excluded.
    Urgent action is needed to safeguard ourselves from harm. We need guarantees put in place to protect us from the appalling conditions we are forced to live in now, in spite of what the Charlemont Street Committee say, that it is impossible for such guarantees to be put in place. Nothing is impossible, especially if we stand together and resist all forms of deprivation that Dublin City Council has thrown at us.
    Dublin City Council will use any means necessary to suit there own ill-gotten gains. They have destroyed a countless number of communities such as, Saint Michaels estate, Dolphin House but to name a few and now they are in the process of destroying Charlemont Street. They are in cahoots with big time property developers who's only interest is profit and they are willing to go to extreme lengths in pursuit of their own profit.
    The problems we face today such as mould and dampness are creating serious difficulties of health for the residents. We need to demand adequate living conditions for all the residents of Charlemont Street before the redevelopment starts. We need to empower the residents and to get the residents involved with the decision-making process as mentioned in the United Nations General Comment No 4 on the right to housing:
    “the right to participate in public decision-making - is indispensable if the right to adequate housing is to be realized and maintained by all groups in society.”
    Immediate action needs to be taken now and not in another ten years or more when we are still waiting on Dublin City Council to fulfil their obligation and fix the problems in the flats complex. We’ve been waiting over a decade now for change but yet we keep getting the short end of the stick. For too long now we have been treated like second class citizens, its time to say, enough is enough and demand that Dublin City Council respect our rights as residents of Charlemont Street. 

  17. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Cúchonnacht Ó Dálaigh in Cortex occupation in Cork   
    Hopefully this is the first of a new wave of occupations. While demands for increased (or in this case, speedier) redundancy payments are understandable, the workers should be encouraged to take the next step and to start production as a workers collective.
  18. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Cúchonnacht Ó Dálaigh in Cortex occupation in Cork   
    Some background information on what the company produce. http://www.vitacortex.com/about.htm
  19. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Cúchonnacht Ó Dálaigh in Cortex occupation in Cork   
    Vita Cortex claims sit-in puts 60 jobs at risk
    The owners of Vita Cortex in Cork say another 60 jobs are now at risk due to the sit-in by the workers over redundancy payments.
    1 of 1
    Vita Cortex closed its Cork plant on 16 December
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    Vita Cortex workers in second week of sit-in

    The owners of Vita Cortex in Cork say another 60 jobs are now at risk due to the sit-in by the Cork workers over redundancy payments.
    Vita Cortex closed its Cork plant on 16 December and the owners have said the company cannot afford to pay redundancy.
    Since then, 32 workers - some with over 40 years of service - have been sitting-in at the Cork premises in pursuit of redundancy entitlements.
    The Vita Cortex workers in Cork believe funds should be taken from an account in a sister company containing €2.5 million to pay them their redundancy entitlements.
    However, the company pledged that account to AIB as security for an €8.5m loan some years ago - and it is now in the National Asset Management Agency.
    NAMA argues that the company which employed the workers is not under its control - the Vita Cortex entities which are under its control have no liability for the Cork workers' redundancy payments.
    However, SIPTU contends that Vita Cortex Cork is part of a Vita Cortex group - and the group should make-up the shortfall for workers' entitlements.
    The company says the sit-in is jeopardising 60 jobs in their other operations at Athlone, Belfast and Cork.
    It has supplied documentation to the social insurance fund from its auditors indicating Vita Cortex's inability to pay the redundancy itself.
    They will permit a forensic examination of their accounts - and stress that the pension fund is fully funded and PRSI payments are up-to-date.
    So far the Labour Relations Commission has been unable to establish a basis for talks to resolve the row.
  20. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Cúchonnacht Ó Dálaigh in Lagan Brick protest, Cavan   
    Lagan Brick talks postponed until next week
    Talks between workers and management at the Lagan Brick factory in Co Cavan have been postponed until next Tuesday.
    The talks had been due to take place at the Labour Relations Commission today.
    However, SIPTU said the talks have been rescheduled because management are unavailable today.
    A group of 27 former employees have been staging a protest outside the plant in Kingscourt since the company closed suddenly three weeks ago.
  21. Like
    Lugh Ildánach got a reaction from Cúchonnacht Ó Dálaigh in Lagan Brick protest, Cavan   
    Lagan Brick workers protest over closure
    A group of former workers at a building materials company in Co Cavan are continuing a demonstration over its sudden closure.
    Video (2)

    1 of 2
    The company announced closure three weeks ago
    2 of 2
    Workers say they are deeply unhappy at company's handling of situation
    Play Stop
    Six One News: Protest continues after Lagan Brick closure
    Play Stop
    Nine News: Workers angry over Lagan Bricks closure
    Former workers at a building materials company in Co Cavan are continuing a demonstration over its sudden closure.
    Lagan Brick announced it was ceasing its operations at its plant in Kingscourt with immediate effect three weeks ago.
    Since then, its 27 former employees have mounted a protest at the factory's entrance.
    The workers say they are deeply unhappy at how the company dealt with the sudden closure.
    Today, Lagan Brick said it regretted the decision to close but had tried every possible avenue to retain the viability of the business.
    SIPTU says it has written to Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation Richard Bruton to investigate whether Lagan Brick contravened legislation regarding the 30 day consultation period.
  22. Like
    Lugh Ildánach reacted to Fodla32 in Support the Prisoners' Protest 14 Jan GPO   
    The Republican Network for Unity will be holding a protest on the 14th of January @ 1pm outside the GPO in Dublin, to highlight the ongoing internment of republican prisoners and the suffering of the POWs on "dirty protest" in Magheberry Gaol.
    Please come along and show your support for the protesting prisoners and those republicans who remain unjustly interned in oppressive Gaols.