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lenin86

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    lenin86 got a reaction from curious in The Mass Line by Chairman Gonzalo   
    NTRODUCTION
    Upholding, defending and applying Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, President Gonzalo has established the mass line of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP). His thesis reaffirms itself in the proletarian conception that we must have in order to evaluate the problem of the masses. He outlines the following political role of the masses in the struggle for Power by way of the People’s War and the struggle for better living conditions which must serve this end.
    We must principally go to the basic masses, the workers and peasants and the many fronts of struggle according to their specific demands and grievances. The only Marxist tactic is going to the deepest and most profound masses, educating them in the revolutionary violence and in the struggle against opportunism. The mass work of the Party that leads the People’s War is carried out through the people’s army. He indicates the importance of the Party generated organisms, as one of the forms of organizing the masses. They must do mass work within and for the People’s War.
    1. REAFFIRMING THE PRINCIPLE “THE MASSES MAKE HISTORY”
    President Gonzalo reaffirms himself in the powerful Marxist principle: “The masses make history.” This teaches us to forge our Communist conception in struggle against the bourgeois conception which is centered around the individual as the axis of history. President Gonzalo states: “The masses are the very light of the world… they are its fiber, the inexhaustable heartbeat of history… when they speak everything trembles, the old order begins to shake, the high summits bow down, the stars change their course because the masses make everything possible and are capable of anything.” Today this reaffirmation has a great importance because it is part of the proletarian conception. It upholds the mass line and is applicable to everything.
    The mass line allows judgment on everything from international questions to specific policies, because it is an ideological problem. No historic fact, no transforming movement, no revolution can be made without the participation of the masses. The Party applies this principle because it has a mass character and it cannot be unlinked from them, otherwise it would be extinguished or diluted. The masses, in order to guarantee the course of their struggle must be led by the Party. The Party has masses: the militants, who as Communists must necessarily embody this principle and struggle constantly to overthrow the rotten individualism which is not a proletarian conception. It can be observed how our process of People’s War is critical to this transformation.
    Furthermore, one principle of leadership is “from the masses to the masses.” This also applies to the People’s War because it is a war of the masses, which are the very source of it. It is with this Marxist conception that we make the People’s War. He particularly highlights the rebellion of the masses as the makers of history. President Gonzalo says: “Since ancient times the masses live subject to oppression and exploitation, but they have always rebelled. This is a long and inexhaustible history… Every time the masses have fought their oppressors they have always called for organizing their rebellion, their arming, their uprising, that it be led, that it be conducted. It has always been this way and it will continue to be. Even after there is another world, it will continue being this way only in another form.”
    “The masses clamor to organize the rebellion. Therefore, the Party, its leaders, cadre and militants today have a peremptory obligation, a destiny: To organize the disorganized Power of the masses and this can only be done with arms in hand. We must arm the masses bit by bit, part by part, until the general arming of the people. When this goal is reached, there will be no exploitation on Earth.” Here he expresses his absolute conviction in the masses, in their historical and political necessity to rebel, to arm themselves, their demand that they be led and organized.
    He calls upon the Communist Parties to complete the demand that comes from Marx and Engels who taught us that there are two powers on the Earth: The armed force of the reactionaries and the disorganized masses. President Gonzalo proposes that if we organize this power, what is only a potential will be activated, and what is a possibility will be a reality. If it is not based on the masses, everything is a house of cards. Concretely, the problem is to go from the state of disorganized masses to masses that are militarily organized.
    We should organize the masses with arms in hand because they clamor to organize the rebellion. As such, we must apply the People’s War which is the principal form of struggle and organize them for the taking of Power led by the Party. This is clearly tied to the principal contradiction in the world today, the strategic offensive of the world revolution, and with the principal tendency in today’s world, revolution. As Marx indicated, the mass line also aims at forming the general arming of the people with the goal of guaranteeing the triumph of the revolution and to prevent capitalist restoration.
    This is a thought of great perspectives that will carry us to Communism: Only by organizing this sea of armed masses will it be possible to defend what is conquered and develop the democratic, socialist and cultural revolutions. He refutes those who propose that the masses don’t want to make revolution or that the masses will not support the People’s War. The problem is not with the masses because they are ready to rebel, but rather it is with the Communist Parties who must assume their obligation to lead and raise them up in arms.
    He differentiates from those positions that today are based on “the accumulation of forces,” which propose parsimoniously binding the masses by way of the so-called “democratic spaces” or the use of legality. Such accumulation of forces doesn’t correspond to the current moment of the international and national class struggle, it doesn’t fit in the type of democratic revolution we are developing and which will have other characteristics within the socialist revolution, since we are living in a revolutionary situation of unequal development in the world.
    He is opposed to and condemns the opportunist positions of making the masses tail after the big bourgeoisie, an electoral path or for armed actions under the command of a super power or power. Thus, he upholds the great slogan of Chairman Mao: “It is right to rebel,” and conceives that the problem of the masses today is that the Communist Parties mobilize, politicize, organize and arm the masses to take Power, specifying people’s war. He specifies the necessity of the scientific organization of poverty. President Gonzalo again stresses that those most disposed to rebel, who clamor the most to organize the rebellion are the poorest masses, and we must pay particular attention to the revolutionary and scientific organization of the masses.
    This is not against the class criteria, because poverty has its origin in exploitation, in the class struggle: “Misery exists linked to fabulous wealth, even the Utopians knew that both are linked: A colossal and challenging wealth next to a revealing and clamorous poverty. This is because exploitation exists.” This thesis is tied to Marx who discovered the revolutionary potential of poverty and the need to scientifically organize it for revolution. Marx taught us that the proletariat does not have property and is the creative class, the only class that will destroy property and will thus destroy itself as a class.
    This thesis is tied to Lenin, who taught us that social revolution does not arise from programmes but from the fact that millions of people say we prefer to die fighting for revolution rather than live as victims of hunger. This thesis is tied to Chairman Mao, who conceived that poverty will propell the yearning for change, for action, for revolution, that it is a blank piece of paper on which the newest and most beautiful words can be written.
    He takes into account the specific conditions of our society. In Peru, to speak about the masses is to speak of the peasant masses, the poor peasants; that the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s demonstrate that it is the peasant struggles that shook the very foundation of the State, but that they lack a guide: The ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought. They lack a motor: The People’s War and the just and correct leadership of the Communist Party.
    The peasants’ struggles were not able to take the correct path to Power, and the blood they shed was used to fetter them and brand them to the old order. These were unforgettable bloodbaths which left extraordinary lessons. The 1980s show that a true mobilization of the armed peasant masses organized in the Communist Party and People’s Guerrilla Army, and that they are giving their precious blood for the new power that is blossoming and developing through the People’s War.
    This particularity is strategic because it permits the comprehension that revolution in the world is defined on the side of the poorest, who constitute the majority and who are the most disposed to rebel. In each revolution we must go to the poorest applying the three requirements that the scientific organization of poverty demand: Ideology, people’s war and a Communist Party.
    In this regard, President Gonzalo says: “Poverty is a driving force of the revolution. The poorest are the most revolutionary, poverty is the most beautiful song; … poverty is not a disgrace, it is an honor, our mountains with their masses are the source of our revolution, who with their hands led by the Communist Party will build a new world. Our guide: Ideology. Our motor: The armed struggle. Our leadership: The Communist Party.”
    2. THE PRINCIPAL ASPECT OF MASS WORK IS POLITICAL POWER, BUT THE STRUGGLE FOR ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEMANDS IS NECESSARY
    Basing himself on Chaiman Mao’s thesis which generalized revolutionary violence as the universal law for the conquest of Power and which established that the principal form of struggle is the armed struggle and the principal form of organzation is the armed forces. Before the outbreak of a war all the struggles and organizations should serve to prepare it. President Gonzalo teaches us that in mass work the struggle for Power and the struggle for economic demands [luchas reivindicativa] are two sides of the same coin, with the struggle for Power being the first and foremost demand of the masses.
    Organize the masses so that they can go beyond what is permitted by the existing legal order, so that they struggle to destroy the old order and not to maintain it. This is accomplished by use of the three instruments of the revolution: The Party where the few converge, the Army with more participants, and new State–Front which is the base which progressively aglutinates the masses through leaps. In the countryside this is achieved through People’s Committees and in the cities through the People’s Revolutionary Defense Movement. In this way the tradition of electoral fronts, which the revisionists and opportunists apply to channel the struggle of the peasantry and to divert the masses in the cities from not seizing Power through war, is destroyed.
    To center on political Power also demands the organization of the masses in diverse new forms of struggle, because war imposes changes on the struggle and organization of the masses. As Lenin taught us, in revolutionary epochs, new organizations must be formed and go against the old leaders who seek to sell-out the revolution in order to accomodate themselves within the reactionary system. For that reason, the old forms of struggle and organization of the masses cannot be used. The struggle for Power as the principal aspect does not mean that from the beginning we are going to incorporate the masses all at once. Chairman Mao teaches us that developing Base Areas and armed forces is what generates the apogee of the revolution.
    This has to do with the law of incorporation of the masses into the revolution, which was established by the Party in the Second Plenum of 1980, an incorporation that will be through progressive leaps; with more People’s War will come a greater incorporation of the masses. Thus, the People’s War is a political fact that continues to pound ideas into the heads of men through powerful actions, who will bit by bit come to understand their only true path, thereby developing their political consciousness. The People’s War summons all the revolutionaries and opens a trail as it develops. The masses are avid for politics and it is incumbent upon Communists to organize and lead them.
    The masses have concrete problems everywhere and we must worry about them and attend to them. Mass work is done within the class struggle and not on its margins. If we do not do mass work, the reactionaries and revisionists will utilize it for their own ends, whether it be to develop fascism and to corporativize them or hand over their struggles to another imperialist master. These are two wills that are distinct and opposed.
    The masses seek the voice of those who affirm and not those who doubt. In our Party, in the Initiation, President Gonzalo demanded that no one must ever doubt the masses, fighting those who are blind and deaf to the voice of the masses, listening to their faintest rumor and attending to their daily, concrete problems. The masses must never be fooled, they must never be forced, they must know the risks which they may face. They must be summoned to the long, bloody struggle for Power, but with this goal they will understand that it will be a necessary and victorious struggle.
    Therefore the struggle for Power is principal but it cannot be separated from the struggle for economic and political demands, they are two sides of the same coin, and the latter struggle is necessary. How do we understand the struggle for economic and political demands? We are accused of not having a specific line for the economic and political struggle of the masses. The fact is that we apply it differently, in other forms, with different politics than those applied by the opportunists and revisionists, a new and different way from the traditional forms.
    President Gonzalo teaches us that the struggle for economic and political demands is on side of a coin, which has the struggle for political Power on the other side. It is completely wrong to separate them, to talk only about the struggle for economic and political demands is revisionism. In specifying Marx’s thesis to our society President Gonzalo tells us: “The crisis presents us with two problems: First, how to defend what has been won, because even if in the crisis the gains are lost, more would be lost if they were not defended. This is the necessity of the struggle for demands…, an economic and political struggle…, furthermore, it forges the class and the workers in their struggle for Power. Second, how to end the crisis? It cannot be ended unless the predominant social order is ended… there is a necessity for revolutionary struggle which serving the seizure of power by the armed struggle under the leadership of the Party… one cannot be separated from the other. The relationship of both problems materializes in developing the struggle for demands as a function of political Power.”
    To carry forward the struggle for demands, the union and strike are used. These are the principal form of the economic struggle of the proletariat which are developed into guerrilla warfare. That is how the class is educated in the struggle for Power and elevate it through concrete armed actions which strengthens this form of struggle, giving it a higher quality. In sum, the struggle for demands must be developed serving the conquest of Power. This is a political principle of doing mass work.
    3. WHAT MASSES DO WE GO TO?
    We must start from the class criteria to resolve which masses to go to. It is very important to note that the masses are organized according to the common interests of the classes they belong to. President Gonzalo teaches us that this approach is essential to combat those who pretend to separate masses from classes with tales of “unity,” and of those who betray the true interests of the masses by trafficking with their struggles.
    Also because it allows us to understand that the masses are always an arena of struggle where the bourgeoisie and proletariat clash to lead them. However, only the Communist Party is capable of leading them because it is the only one that can represent them and struggle for their interests. Those who talk about “mass democracy” or who create open mass organisms as if they were a form of Power without violence are merely upholding bourgeois positions that negate the leadership of the proletariat and its dictatorship. Starting from a class criteria has to do with the character of the revolution, with the classes that make up the people who should be united under the leadership of the proletariat. In our case of the democratic revolution, the proletariat leads, the peasantry is principal, the petty bourgeoisie is a firm ally and the middle bourgeoisie has a dual character.
    The basic masses which we must go to are the proletariat and the peasantry, principally the poor peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and also the middle bourgeoisie. Keeping in mind the specific demands of the masses, we should differentiate between those sectors of the masses which suffer more oppression with the goal of organizing them so that they will struggle to achieve conquests and resolve their specific contradiction.
    This refers to the mass fronts in which we must work. These are: The workers, the proletariat, the leading class of all revolutions, a class whose principal and decisive political objective is the conquest of Power through the People’s War to emancipate itself, emancipate the other classes and finally to destroy itself as a class. Its specific demands are the winning of conquests and rights like increased wages, a shorter work day and better working conditions. Towards this end, the workers’ movement, its struggles, mobilizations, marches, agitation, and strikes must be developed with armed actions.
    “Worry about the fundamental problems of the class and also of the workers, their general and concrete problems which they fight for daily.” The peasants are the principal force, especially the poor peasants, who struggle for the conquest of land through armed struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party. Not seeing it this way leads to the “land seizures” [the take-over of non-arable land and others promoted by the government, revionists and the Church.--Trans.] and conforming to the old order. Further develop the peasant movement applying the “three withs”: live with, work with and struggle with them, thus forging peasants with a proletarian mentality.
    Women which make up half the world and develop the feminine movement for the emancipation of women, a task which is the work of women themselves but under the leadership of the Party. We must combat the bourgeois thesis of women’s liberation. Women struggle against the constant increase in the cost of living which affects the physical integrity of the class and the people. The Party mobilizes the working, peasant and intellectual women, etc.
    The intellectuals so that they may fulfill their role as revolutionary intellectuals serving the proletariat and peasantry within the People’s War. Among them are the high school students, university students and professional occupations, etc. See their specific demands, the defense of their conquests, aiming at a new national, scientific and mass culture, making them conscious that they can only achieve this with the revolution.
    Mobilize the poor masses in the cities, in the shantytowns and slums against hunger and misery, so that they fight for the revolution’s programme, summon them to the People’s War so that they may seize their conquests and rights which are trampled under foot more everyday. Do not allow that they be struck with impunity and teach them how to defend themselves, so that they can resist the enemy’s aggression using all the available means at their disposal.
    Apply “Combat and Resist”, which is the common slogan for the class. Mobilize the youth so that they directly participate in the front lines of the combat trenches of the People’s War. Let young workers, peasants and students develop their struggles for a new world, their right to an education, against unemployment and other ills that wracks them. Make the children active participants in the People’s War. They can carry out many tasks which will help them understand the necessity of transforming the world. They are the future and in the end they will live in the new world. Change their ideology so that they adopt the proletariat’s.
    4. PERSIST IN THE ONLY MARXIST-LENINIST TACTIC
    Starting from Engel’s thesis: “In a country with an old political and workers’ movement, there is always a colossal heap of garbage inherited by tradition that must be cleaned step by step”. Lenin established: “The only Marxist line in the world proletarian movement consists in explaining to the masses that the split with opportunism is inevitable and indispensible, educating them in revolution through a merciless struggle against it”.
    Chairman Mao indicated that a period of struggle against imperialism and revisionism was opening, with revisionism being one of the principal sources of imperialist wars and a danger within the Party for Communists in general. President Gonzalo calls for persisting in the only Marxist tactic which implies four issues: First, sweep away the colossal heap of garbage that is revisionism and opportunism, principally electoralism.
    None of these revisionists and opportunists, nor any of their variaties, can represent, much less defend, the masses. Now as before they only defend the exploiters in turn, yesterday they were merely a boxcar at the tail of the fascist and corporativist Aprista government, sinisterly dragging along the union organizations under their influence. [This practice of revisionism has continued under Fujimori.--Trans.] All these political and union organizations and their leaders do not represent the people but that crust of the labor aristocracy. The union bureaucracy and the bourgeois workers’ parties that always try to swerve the masses from their revoluionary path and are no more than part of that colossal heap of garbage which must be gradually swept away as Engels said.
    Second, go to the deepest and most profound masses which constitute the majority, which in our country are the workers and principally poor peasants, the petty bourgeoisie and also keep the national bourgeoisie in mind. Of these, the most important are the workers and principally poor peasantry, and we must go mainly to them in both the countryside and city. We must propell their movement, lead it, mobilize them for Power so as to topple and overthrow the old State.
    This is the principle issue of the tactic. Among the masses it is necessary to distinguish the superficial scum which is the crust that serves the bourgeoisie from the immense majority of deep and profound masses which will emerge more and more until the destruction of the decrepit state, even more so when a People’s War starts to crumble the old Peruvian state. Third, the masses must be educated in the People’s War, in its theory and practice. Thus, educating them in the peace of bayonets is to allow them to be slaughtered. The masses should no longer shed their blood with impunity only to be betrayed by their false leaders, for capitulation, rather this precious blood should serve the conquest of Power for the class and the people.
    Fourth, it is necessary to struggle implacibly against revisionism and opportunism, combatting it as a dangerous cancer within and outside the Party and among the very masses themselves, or else they will not solidify their revolutionary path. This is a struggle which we have been waging since the reconstitution of the Party and which today in open People’s War is more urgent and implacable because of the increasingly treacherous way they act against us, the people and the revolution, especially if social-imperialism is operating behind them within their policy of collusion and contention with Yankee imperialism for global hegemony. This is applicable to revisionism and opportunism of all breeds no matter who their representatives are.
    Regarding this President Gonzalo tells us: “Rise above this miasma, this superficial revisionism, opportunism and electoralism whic rides on the masses. The main thing is that below this the most colossal and self-impelled force agitates, upon which we operate with the most powerful instrument of the rebellion which exists on the Earth: Armed action. We are the cry that says: ‘It is right to rebel’.”
     
    5. ORGANIZING THE MASSES
    President Gonzalo starting from the ideological and political bases and along with the organizational construction, established the forms of struggle and the forms of organizing the masses. He teaches us the process in which the mass work of the Party developed. In the Constitution. [of the PCP--Trans.] He tells us that Mariátegui outlined the bases for the mass work of the Party and determined specific lines by unleashing the two-line struggle against anarchism which sidestepped the necessity of the Party and also against Apra which negated the Marxist-Leninist conception and the capacity of the class to constitute itself into a Communist Party, through its work in the Front. Once Mariátegui died in the 1930s, his line was abandoned. The work is centered around the masses, putting them at the tail of the big bourgeoisie, deviating them towards “frontism”, elections and revisionism which weighs down on the efforts of the red line to oppose them.
    These erroneous tactics last more than 30 years. In the Reconstruction. President Gonzalo establishes the mass line of the Party and the organic forms. This is in a period of over 15 years of hard two-line struggle which achieve partial leaps. [Refers to successes--Trans.] In the first political strategy of the Reconstruction he develops the initiation of the mass work of the Party, all the militants in Ayacucho did peasant work including the civil construction workers, for example, also with the intellectuals and poor masses of the slums. They supported the land seizures, carried out peasant events, organized the I Regional Convention of Peasants of Ayacucho where the agrarian program was established; this was a transcendental event. He led the historic struggles of June 20, 21 and 22 in 1969 in Ayacucho and Huanta, mobilizing the masses of high school students, parents and families against Decree 006 of General Velasco which we defeated.
    The PCP organized the People’s Defense Front of Ayacucho, reorganized the Revolutionary Student Front (FER), created the Popular Feminine Movement (MFP), the Center for Mariátegui’s Intellectual Work (CETIM), the Revolutionary High School Student Front (FRES) and above all the Poor Peasants Movement (MCP). Thus, new politics were developed through mass work, new forms of struggle and new organic forms came to exist. In the two-line struggle, President Gonzalo fought against revisionism which led the masses towards electoralism and against revolutionary violence to preserve the old order. He fought against Patria Roja, a form of revisionism which trafficked, like it does today, with the slogan “power grows from a barrel of a gun”, negating semi-feudalism, focussing its work around the petty-bourgeoisie, especially students and teachers.
    He also defeated the right liquidationism that diluted the Party’s leadership among the masses, preaching legalism and saying everything could be done through the Peasant Confederation of Peru (CCP), that the peasants didn’t understand confiscation but they did understand expropriation, and that the fascist and corporativist measures of the Velasco government [Military dictatorship from 1968-1972--Trans.] should be deepened.
    In the second political strategy of the Reconstitution, he established the Generated Organisms agreed upon in the Third Plenum of 1973:
    “The actual movements as organizations generated by the proletariat in the different fronts of work. Their three characteristics:
    1) Adherence to Mariátegui,
    2) Mass organizations and
    3) practicing democratic centralism.”
    He founded the character, content and role of the Generated Organisms applying Lenin’s thesis on a clandestine Party and points of Party support in the masses, leasned from the Chinese experience on open and secret work. He specified the necessity, that in order to develop the Reconstitution of the Party, of opening the Party to the masses more, that in order to agree on a policy and carry it out effectively needed to defeat the left liquidationism that believed fascism sweeps everything away, aiming at the Party’s extinction by isolating it from the masses, and showing contempt for the peasantry and proletariat and preaching that “line is enough.”
    With the defeat of the left liquidationist line the ties with the masses grew and People’s Schools were formed, schools which politicized the masses with the conception and line of the Party, which played an important role in the agitation and propaganda by linking the struggle for demands with the struggle for political Power.
    They completed a systematic and planned study of base workplans, unleashing the two-line struggle and developing the mass work. The advance of the work of the Generated Organisms led to President Gonzalo proposing their development into one avalanche, under the political guide of initiating the armed struggle. This led to the forming of zonal works. The Metropolitan Coordination was established for the cities, applying Lenin’s thesis for open work, Chairman Mao’s thesis for work in the cities and that the struggle of the masses should be developed in a reasonable, advantageous and measurable way.
    Their application allowed us to keep the Party clandestine, entrenched in the masses, moving in a good number of activists, distribute propaganda in a short time and facitilated agitation and mobilization under a centralized Party plan. All of this is what we called “the three little feet” for mass work in the cities: Generated Organisms, People’s Schools and the Metropolitan Coordination. For the countryside the first two forms were applied.
    In the third political strategy of the Reconstitution, the Party widely developed its mass work in the zones of the Sierra, linking itself with the poor peasants primarily in the cities with the proletariat and masses in the slums and shantytowns. The generated organisms have played a good role within the culmination of the reconstitution and building bases for the armed struggle.
    The specific lines were developed even further, so that the Classist Movement of Workers and Laborers (MOTC) proposed 15 basic theses for the workers’ movement; the Poor Peasant Movement (MCP) politicized the peasants with the agrarian program specified for new conditions; in the Shantytown Classist Movement (MCB) the list of denunciations and demands of the people are published; the Student Revolutionary Front (FER) develops the thesis of the Defense of the University against fascism; the Revolutionary High School Student Front (FRES) impelled the struggle of students for popular education; the Popular Feminine Movement (MFP) raised the thesis of women’s Emancipation, propelling the mobilization of working women, peasants women, shantytown dwellers and students.
    Furthermore, there was participation in the United Synidicate of Peruvian Educational Workers (SUTEP)which led to its specific class line being adopted in the 1970s. The National Federation of Peruvian University Teachers (FENTUP) was also formed. All of this work entered into a wide ideological-political mobilization to initiate the People’s War. In synthesis, all the mass work of the Party in the Reconstitution was to prepare the initiation of the People’s War.
    As Chairman Mao taught us, before initiating the war, everything is preparation for it, and once it has begun everything serves to develop it. President Gonzalo has applied and firmly developed this principle. In the leadership of the People’s War there was a great leap in the mass work of the Party, a qualitative leap, which shapes the principal form of struggle: The People’s War and the principal form of organization: The People’s Guerrilla Army. [which developed into the People's Army of Liberation in 1992--Trans.] This highest task was carried out by way of the militarization of the Party, and with respect to the mass work means that all the mass work is done through the People’s Guerrilla Army, which as an army of a new type that fulls three tasks: Combat, mobilize and produce.
    We conceive that the second task of the army implies mobilizing, politicizing, organizing and arming the masses, a task which is not counterposed to fighting, which is the principal task, because the principle of concentrating for combat and dispersing for mobilization is applied. In addition, the masses are educated in the war. This is a principle which governs the three forces: Principal ones, local ones and in the bases where various degrees of actions are specified.
    For the mobilization of masses, the Party through the EGP carries forward the People’s Schools, forms the Generated Organisms, the support groups, a policy that applied particularly one way in the countryside, because that is where the New Power is being formed, and in another way in the cities. In the cities, the Revolutionary Defense Movement of the People was formed, aiming at the future insurrection.
    In the countryside, where we have Power, Base Areas and People’s Committees, we see to it that all the masses engage in armed participation, organized in the Party, Army and Front-State. If all the masses are not organized the New Power will not be able to sustain itself for long. Amorphous masses or Power without masses organized under the leadership of the Party is not enougn. In the cities, the mass work is carried out by the Army as well, and the main thing is the struggle for Power through the People’s War, with the struggle for demands serving political Power as a necessary complement. Obviously, this happens with many armed actions with the goal of materializing the new forms of organization.
    We formed the Peoples’s Revolutionary Defense Movement (MRDP), which attracts masses from the workers, peasants, shantytowns and petty bourgeoisie, neutralizing the middle bourgeoisie, aiming at the democratic forces which support the People’s War. The objective is to lead the masses towards the resistance and to the elevation of their struggles into People’s War, to hinder, undermine and perturb the old State and serve the insurrection , preparing the cities with People’s War in a complementary way. We use the double policy of developing our own forms, which is principal, and penetrate all type of organizations. We apply Combat and Resist! Regarding the Generated Organisms, in the People’s War they have expressed developement and their characteristics have changed.
    They continue being mass organizations of the Party and today: They are guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought; They are governed by democratic centralism, and They serve the development of the People’s War. In the countryside, the Generated Organisms are militarized; in the cities many degrees of militarization can be applied. Today, we have the following: MOTC, MCP, MCB, MFP, MJP [youth movement--Trans.], MIP. [intellectual movement--Trans.] Peru People’s Aid is also important which has upsurged in the People’s War as part of the struggle for prisoners of war and dissappeared.
    For the Party’s overseas work the Peru People’s Movement (MPP) has been formed with its specific tasks. Today, after nearly eight years of People’s War the Party has made a great leap in its mass work, proving that it is just and correct to develop mass work within and for the People’s War. As a result of its application our people are learning each day that the class struggle necessarily leads to the struggle for Power. Their growing participation in the People’s War is very expressive, and even if not everyone reaches an understanding of it, they see in it the concrete hope of their emancipation.
    They are developing their struggles with new forms of struggle and organization, and the class struggle in Peru has been elevated to its principal form: The People’s War. The masses are organized in People’s War and are the base and sustenance of it. They are organized in a Communist Party, into a People’s Guerrilla Army and principally in the New Power, the principal conquest of the People’s War in which the workers, peasants and petty-bourgeoisie participate, excercising political power like never before in History. These are qualitative leaps which give rise to conditions for a new chapter in mass work within and for the People’s War until the conquest of Power countrywide.
    Those who uphold Marxism-Leninsm-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, assume the embodyment of the mass line of the Party and apply it giving up our lives so that the Party seizes Power throughout the country and serves the world revolution.
    EMBODY THE MASS LINE OF THE PARTY!
    ORGANIZE THE CLAMOR OF THE PEOPLE FOR REBELLION!
    MAKE THE GREAT LEAP IN THE INCOPORATION OF THE MASSES WITHIN AND FOR THE PEOPLE’S WAR!
    http://www.signalfire.org/?p=23344
     
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    Building the People’s Army and Waging the People’s War
     
    By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
    Comrades and Friends:
    I wish to express my greetings of solidarity to all of you in this informative and cultural gathering organized by the International Office of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP)  to celebrate the 45th anniversary of the founding of the New People’s  Army (NPA) by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).
    I am deeply pleased and highly honored to be invited to speak on the building of the New People’s Army and waging the people’s war in the Philippines.  I wish to share with you basic information and ideas on the following: first, the circumstances and reasons for founding the NPA, second, the growth and victories in the people’s war  and third, the prospects of the people’s war.
    With boundless joy, I recall how I presided over the founding of this revolutionary army of the Filipino people on March 29, 1969 in  my capacity as Chairman of the the CPP Central Committee and and its Military Commission. This is a time to give the highest honors to the martyrs and heroes and to congratulate all the Red commanders and fighters for all the victories won through hard work, sacrifices and relentless struggle.
    Let us give a special Red salute to Comrades Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria for their long service to the Filipino people and new democratic revolution. They have contributed greatly to the growth and advance of the revolutionary forces of the people. They are senior field consultants of the NDFP in the peace negotiations between the Manila government and  the NDFP. We demand their immediate release in accordance with the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees mutually approved since 1995 by the aforesaid negotiating parties.
    I.  Circumstances and Reasons for Founding the NPA
    Since the Philippine revolution of 1896, the Filipino people have fought for national and social liberation against foreign and feudal domination.  But since the US defeated the Philippine republic in the Filipino-American War that started in 1899,  the Filipino people have been subjected once more to foreign and feudal domination and have repeatedly sought to complete the struggle for national independence and democracy.
    The formation of the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon in 1942 resulted in the most serious struggles of the people to liberate themselves from the Japanese fascist occupation during World War II and from the US-dominated puppet government up to the early 1950s.  But serious opportunist errors of the leadership of the old merger party of the Communist and Socialist parties led to defeat. The rectification of these errors from 1966 onwards paved the way for the reestablishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines in 1968 and founding of the New People’s in 1969.
    Since 1946, when the US granted nominal independence, the ruling system in the Philippines has become semi-colonial politically; i.e. ruled indirectly by the US through its Filipino political agents.  It has retained its semi-feudal character economically; i.e. maintained directly by the comprador big bourgeoisie and landlord class and their political agents in collaboration with the US and other foreign monopoly capitalists.
    The Filipino people aspire to free themselves from oppression and exploitation.  Thus, the CPP has put forward the general line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war. This program seeks to realize national independence and democracy, social justice, land reform and national industrialization, a national, scientific and mass culture, international solidarity and peace.
    The working class is the leading class in the democratic and socialist stages of the revolution.  The peasantry is the main force of the revolution and demands the agrarian revolution. It serves as the largest source of personnel and inexhaustible  resource base for the people’s army and people’s war.  It provides the widest physical and social terrain for the people’s army to maneuver against the enemy in the expanse of the countryside.
    The armed struggle is the the main form of revolutionary struggle. It answers the central question of revolution, which is the seizure of political power.  But the united front is also an important weapon of the revolution. The  basic worker-peasant alliance is the foundation of such united front, which  includes the urban petty bourgeoisie as one more basic revolutionary ally and further takes on board the national bourgeoisie as a positive though vacillating ally. Under given circumstances, the united front may be further broadened as to take advantage of splits among the reactionaries and thereby aggravate and hasten the isolation and destruction of the enemy.
    The NPA carries out the strategic line of protracted people’s war, which means encircling the cities from the countryside and accumulating strength until conditions are ripe for the seizure of the cities on a nationwide scale.  This strategic line is of decisive importance.  It allows the NPA and other revolutionary forces of the people to grow from small to big and from weak to strong.  It avoids a war of quick decision which favors the militarily far superior enemy forces.
    In a protracted people’s war, the NPA has the chance to  develop in stages.  At first, it takes the strategic defensive against the enemy’s strategic offensive but launches guerrilla warfare, waging tactical offensives that it can win until it has accumulated enough strength to put the enemy in a strategic stalemate. Through a combination of regular mobile warfare and guerrilla warfare during  the strategic stalemate, it can destroy the enemy forces faster and change the balance of forces until it puts the enemy on the strategic defensive and reaches the strategic offensive.
    In carrying out the people’s war, the NPA integrates armed struggle with agrarian revolution and mass base building.  It gains the inexhaustible support of the peasantry only by carrying out  the agrarian revolution.  The fulfillment of the peasant demand for land is the main content of the democratic revolution.  The mass base of the revolution must also be built by forming the mass organizations, the local organs of political power and the local CPP branches. Thus, wave upon wave, the people’s democratic government replaces the power of the reactionary state.
    The agrarian revolution is done in two stages. The first is the minimum land reform program, which involves rent reduction, elimination of usury, fair wages to the farm workers, fair prices for products at the farm gate and raising production in agriculture and sideline occupation through rudimentary cooperation.  The second is the maximum land reform program, which involves the confiscation of land from the landlords and the free and equable distribution of the land to the landless tillers. The anti-feudal united front relies mainly on the poor peasants and farm workers, wins over the middle peasants and takes advantage of the splits among the landlords in order to isolate and destroy the power of the despotic landlords.
    The local organs of political power constitute the people’s democratic government and are established at the barrio, municipal and higher possible levels. The  barrio revolutionary committees are assisted by working committees concerned with mass organizing, public education, land reform, production, health care, defense, arbitration, cultural activities and so on. They are supported by the mass organizations of  workers, peasants, women, youth, children, cultural activists and so on in the implementation of social programs, campaigns and activities. The local CPP branch that arises from the local mass base takes the lead in mass work and governance..
    II.  Growth and Victories of the NPA
    Under the leadership of the CPP, the NPA and other revolutionary forces of the people have preserved themselves, grown in strength and won great victories since the founding of the NPA in 1969 because they have a just revolutionary cause, which is the national and social liberation of the people from the terrible scourges of  imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.  They have a clear program of people’s democratic revolution, the correct strategy and tactics and a definite socialist perspective.
    We started the NPA from scratch in the second district of Tarlac in 1969.  We had only 9 automatic rifles and 26 other inferior firearms  to rotate among 60 Red fighters to whom we had given politico-military training.  But we were confident.  We had a party that had avidly studied Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary experience of the Filipino people, the teachings of Comrade Mao Zedong  and the writings of Vietnamese comrades  on building the people’s army and waging thepeople’s war.  We benefited from the guerrilla experience and mass base of 80,000 people in Tarlac as well as from the urban-based mass movement which we had resumed and revitalized..
    We anticipated that Tarlac would become the focus of enemy attacks as soon as we launched tactical offensives in the people’s war.  Thus, we recognized immediately the urgent  need for expansion cadres to start the revolution in as many other regions and provinces as soon as possible.  We  gave politico-military training to a few expansion cadres for certain provinces in the Cagayan Valley,  Central Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bikol  and Western Visayas.  In the period of 1969-72 (before the martial law period), the most successful of the expansion efforts was in the Cagayan Valley, especially Isabela.
    In 1969-71, in less than two years,  we were able to increase the number of NPA  rifles to 200 through tactical offensives in Tarlac and we almost captured another 200 rifles from the armory of  Camp O’Donnel of the US Navy.  We were very successful at the minimum land reform program and improving the housing of many  people.  As early as 1969, Marcos organized Task Force Lawin, with a total strength of 5000 military troops and policemen.
    By 1971  the CPP Central Committee had  shifted its headquarters to Isabela to direct the rapid growth of the mass base  (already about  200,000 people), the  land reform campaign, the accelerated politico-military training of expansion cadres for the Northern Luzon and other regions of the country and the intensification of armed struggle with a significant increase of  rifles from the successful raid on the armory of the Philippine Military Academy in December 1970.  The Marcos regime formed the Task Force Saranay of so many battalions in Isabela after the enemy noticed the use of the Browning automatic rifles captured from the PMA raid.
    Aside from developing the revolution in a region of strategic importance, the greatest value yielded by building the guerrilla bases and zones in Isabela was the politico-military training and the experience of guerrilla war and mass work given to the trade unionists and youth activists that came from cities all over the country,  thanks especially to  Kabataang Makabayan and the First Quarter of 1970. By early 1972, a significant number of expansion cadres had flowed out to new areas of expansion nationwide, including the rest of Northeast Luzon, Northwest Luzon, Central Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bicol, Visayas and Mindanao.
    As  early as 1970, the CPP was already forming regional Party committees to start the people’s war in their respective regions, with the assistance of mass organizations.  Such regional Party committees tried to do their best and became ever more successful as they accumulated experience and summed up lessons, including bitter ones, and as they were reinforced by cadres and fighters who had previous politico-military training and guerrilla experience from Tarlac and Isabela.  Consequent to the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in 1971 and the declaration of martial law in 1972, significant numbers of trade unionists and youth activists joined the people’s army.
    When Marcos declared martial law, he claimed that the NPA had 10,000 fighters but in fact it had only about 350 rifles in the hands of the NPA fighters, excluding the people’s militia and self-defense units of the mass organizations. A relatively big number of national cadres were released from underground administrative functions in 1974 to be integrated into the people’s army and to conduct rural mass work. By December 1975 the country was well covered by relatively stable regional committees of the CPP and regional NPA commands.
    The two NPA companies that had been isolated  in the Isabela forest region since 1972, because of a wrong decision by the regional Party committee, marched out towards Cagayan province in 1975.  The NPA in Eastern Visayas started to carry out platoon-size guerrilla  offensives and these grew more frequent from 1976 onwards.  The NPA grew steadily in  Northwest Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bicol and Western Visayas.  It expanded rapidly in Mindanao.  It was the first to use the term guerrilla front to define the combination of guerrilla bases and zones in a contiguous area.  The CPP Central Committee adopted the use of the term and instructed the Mindanao Party Committee to divide the  big region into several regions in 1976.
    After the 1975 Plenum and the subsequent carrying out  of guerrilla offensives  nationwide, it became clear that both the CPP and the NPA were truly nationwide forces with deep roots among the masses in the regions and provinces.  The point had been reached that the NPA forces could withstand concentrated enemy attacks on one guerrilla front or a whole region and could fight back not only in that guerrilla front or region but also in several regions and guerrilla fronts where the enemy forces were weaker.   On a national scale, the CPP and NPA had overcome tremendous odds,  become tempered in struggle and gained the strength for continuous growth.
    When I was captured in November 1977, the NPA was already at the level of 1500  automatic rifles, excluding the far bigger number of men and women in the people’s militia and self defense units. I was confident that the CPP and NPA would grow in strength further and become a major factor in the overthrow of the Marcos fascist dictatorship. The NPA reached the level of 3000 rifles in 1983 and 5600 automatic rifles in 1986.  Fearing the growth of the people’s war,  the US, the Catholic church and the big comprador-landlord oligarchs in the country decided within the period of 1984 to 1986 that Marcos had become more of a liability than an asset and had to be removed from power the way Duvalier had been deposed.
    The people’s army grew in strength and the people’s war spread because of the Maoist leadership in both the CPP and NPA.  The cadres and fighters were well-versed on the specific characteristics of the people’s war in the Philippines, the revolutionary guide to land reforms and the urgent tasks in building the mass base.
    Despite overall growth in the 1980s,  a few members of the Central Committee spread the subjectivist notion that the Philippine was no longer semi-feudal and  that by implication  Marcos had greatly developed the economy with his big comprador-landlord policy dependent on foreign loans.  Based on said notion, Right and  “Left” opportunism arose and  slowed what should have been a faster rate of growth. The opportunists deviated from the analysis of the Philippine economy as semifeudal, the general political line of people’s democratic revolution and the strategic line of protracted people’s war.
    The worst of the Right opportunists wanted to do away with the working class leadership and make the bourgeois-led united front the main weapon and legal struggle the main form of struggle.  The worst of the Left “opportunists” wanted to enlarge and regularize NPA combat units, without minding agrarian revolution and building the mass base. Upon failure of their line, the military adventurists raised a hysteria about deep penetration agents and engaged in witch hunts, thus eroding the strength of the revolutionary movement and the mass base  in certain areas at various times  from 1985 onwards.
    Happily, the CPP launched the Second Great Rectification Movement in 1992.  Comrades Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Tiamzon played important roles in this educational movement.  Since then, the CPP and NPA  have won resounding victories in reaffirming basic revolutionary principles and the strategic line of protracted people’s war, regaining  the mass base (60 percent of which  had  been lost by 1991 due to the “Left” opportunist line), revitalizing the mass movement and carrying forward the people’s war.  The line of the people’s war  has been sharpened  as  the waging of  extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on the basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base.  It has been resoundingly successful.
    At present, the CPP is reported to have about 150,000 members, the NPA  has about 10,000 fighters, the people’s militia  tens of thousands of personnel, and the self-defense units hundreds of thousands.  The  guerrilla fronts number more than 110 covering significant portions of 71 provinces. The mass organizations have   members in millions; and the people’s democratic government has millions of people in its territory. Despite the recent arrest of Comrades Tiamzon and Austria, the revolutionary movement of the people will continue to grow in strength and advance.  There is a far bigger mass movement now than when Julie and  I were captured in 1977.
    The CPP, NPA and the revolutionary forces of the people have withstood and prevailed over the attempts of the 14-year fascist dictatorship and the subsequent pseudo democratic regimes to destroy them with US-instigated national plans of military suppression and deception, like the current Oplan Bayanihan.  It has been proven again and again  that the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism  and the general line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war are correct and invincible against the rotten ruling system which is in a chronic crisis that is always worsening.
    III.  Prospects of the NPA and People’s War
    Like the CPP, the NDFP has declared that the general line for people’s democratic revolution  for the protracted people’s war is the same line for the peace negotiations with the reactionary government and that the people’s war is justified for so long as the demand of the people for national and social liberation is not satisfied.  The revolutionary forces and the people consider the peace negotiations as a way of carrying forward and helping realize their demand for national independence and democracy .
    They always resist the reactionary government’s obsession of perpetuating the semicolonial and semifeudal system and seeking the capitulation and pacification of the revolutionary movement. They have made clear that they are ever ready for the eventuality that their enemy terminate the peace negotiations.  The reactionary government has been brazenly disrespecting  and violating existing agreements, like The Hague Joint Declaration, The Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees and the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law.
    The CPP and NPA  are determined to realize the  plan to advance from the strategic  defensive to the strategic stalemate in the near term and to overthrow the ruling system and establish the people’s democratic revolution in the long run.  They intend to bring up the number of CPP members to 250,000, NPA to 25,000, the guerrilla fronts to 200 and the  scope of the agrarian revolution and the mass base to many more millions of people.
    They aim  to advance until they reach the strategic offensive in order to overthrow the ruling system and establish the people’s democratic state system.  They are confident  of advancing from stage to stage in the people’s war because they fight for the just revolutionary cause of the Filipino for national and social liberation, because they have the correct general line and strategy, because they accumulate strength though hard work and struggle and because conditions favorable to the revolution are provided by the unprecedentedly grave and ever worsening crisis of global capitalism and the domestic ruling system.
    The broad masses of the people suffer terribly from the escalation of exploitation under the neoliberal economic policy, from state terrorism and from the imperialist wars of aggression.  But they are  driven to fight ever more fiercely for their national and social liberation and for a fundamentally new and better world of greater freedom, social justice, development, cultural upliftment and peace.
    Prof. Jose Maria Sison
    Founding Chairman,
    Communist  Party of the Philippines
    March 30, 2014
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    Intensify the offensives to seize further initiative in advancing the people’s war   http://www.ndfp.net/web2014/index.php/discourse/2070-intensify-the-offensives-to-seize-further-initiative-in-advancing-the-people-s-war  
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in Reports from the Indian Maoist Insurgency   
    Indian Maoists Pledge Support for Renewed Tamil Eelam Struggle   Indian Maoists pledge support for armed Eelam struggle   Indian Maoists have pledged support for another armed struggle by the Sri Lankan Tamils for an independent Eelam.   Indian website thatstamil.oneindia.in has quoted Maoist general secretary Muppala Lakshmana Rao alias Ganapathi as having told a pro-naxalite website in an interview that the Eelam struggle has not died down with the passing of LTTE leader Prabhakaran. “It is still alive and we shall support it with arms”.   Apparently keeping in mind the Indian experience where naxal groups like Maoist Communist Centre, the People’s War and others have come together and are controlling vast areas in Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand and West Bengal, he said: “The battle for Tamil Eelam is not lost yet. Eelam will blossom one day if all the (Tamil) groups come together and, with changed strategies, resume the struggle”   Mr Ganapathi said: “We shall smuggle in sophisticated arms in ultra-modern boats to the rebels to revive the armed struggle in Sri Lanka and nobody can stop us. We are formed groups for this”.   Admitting that the Eelam struggle has suffered a big setback, maybe a virtual defeat with the elimination of the LTTE, Mr Ganapathi has said, ” the Eelam movement has now become rudderless, but the thirst for freedom has not died down among the Eelam Tamils”.   He said, “there is no change in the situation” which led to the armed struggle for an independent Eelam” in the early 1980s. The “celebration of Prabhakaran’s death by Sinhala chauvinists in Colombo and the encouragement given to them by the fascist Sinhala Government show the Sinhalese’ hatred for Tamils and the Tamil nation”.   He also expressed the fear that there would be another State-sponsored colonisation of Tamil areas by the Sinhalese, leading to a change in the demographic pattern in the “Tamil homeland” of northern and eastern provinces.   Mr Ganapathi accused the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government of having carried out a “genocide” of Tamils. He expressed anguish over the confinement of displaced Tamils in “internment” camps fenced off by barbed wires and said,”whoever tortures people like this deserve to be punished and no one can stop us from arming these people”.   The Maoist leader said “we are not only willing to extend all help the Eelam Tamils achieve their independence but also guide leaders of resistance movements on how to achieve the goal of a Democratic People’s Republic of Tamil Eelam”.   Answering questions, Mr Ganapathi said the Maoists had consistently denied having received any arms training from the Tamil Tigers and added, “but we always supported their struggle”. He said “we did receive training from the renegades of the LTTE in the early 1980s, but not in recent times”.   Defence experts have from time to time spoken about links between the LTTE and the Maoists and the interview confirms this.   Speaking in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly in early 1991, the then Home Minister M V Mysoora Reddy said the Maoists (in their then avatar as People’s War) had acquired 60 AK-47s and 20 Sten guns from the LTTE. This was reiterated in the Lok Sabha, on Dec 10, 1991, by Bandaru Dattatreya, then an opposition MP who later became Minister of State for Railways.   In 1995, Mallojula Venugopal, the then secretary of the Dandakaranya Special Zone Committee, claimed that some ex-LTTE cadres had initially trained them in fabricating landmines.   Maintaining the same line, Ganapathi himself said in an interview in 1998: “They were not LTTE. They were ex-LTTE. What happened was that these people came to India after leaving their organisation and formed Communist groups. (We) had relations with these groups. As part of that, they held training camps for us”.   Further proof of the Maoists’ LTTE links surfaced, once again, when two video cassettes containing LTTE’s training modules were recovered in December 2001 from an arms dump of the rebels in Nelimaliga village of Visakhapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh.   In the aftermath of the failed Oct 1, 2003 assassination attempt on the then Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu, the then Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani said that the rebels had received expertise in using improvised explosive devices (IED) from the LTTE.   Speaking to mediapersons in a village in Madhuban block in Supaul district of Bihar, CPI-Maoist spokesman Azad said on Dec 14, 2005 that they had learnt “new warfare tactics from the on-the-run and purged LTTE military commanders in 1986-87″. He added that the LTTE commanders gave them training in making and laying landmines.   http://southasiarev.wordpress.com/2009/11/12/indian-maoists-pledge-support-for-renewed-tamil-eelam-struggle/  
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in CC 4th Meet Resolution 2013-CPI (Maoist)   
    CC 4th Meet Resolution 2013-CPI (Maoist) 
    1. Homage to the martyrs
    After CC-3 until now more than two hundred of our beloved comrades laid down their lives in the course of advancing the New Democratic Revolution and fulfilling that aim. Among the martyrs are present right from Central Committee Politburo member Comrade Mallojuhula Koteswarlu to general party members. Several comrades of revolutionary mass organization, PLGA and RPCs were martyred. Revolutionary masses were martyred. Several women comrades were martyred. Our fellow comrades breathed their last in the revolutionary movement fighting back the enemy’s multi-pronged offensive, in accidents and due to ill health. All of them serve as a model to us. CC vowed to fight till the end for fulfillment of their aims and paid revolutionary homage to them.
    2. Present Political Situation – Our Tasks
    CC is releasing this resolution separately in the form of a booklet.
    3. Assessment of the present condition of our countrywide movement – Our Tactics
    Following the resolution of the CC-3, state level plenums were held in DK, NT, AOB, BJ and OS states. The condition of the movement in the respective Special Zones/Special Areas/States was reviewed in these plenums. Along with these plenum reviews this CC meeting discussed the condition of other states and departments. Basing on this discussion, it assessed that from the point of view of the subjective condition, the condition of our countrywide movement is critical.
    After the formation of our United Party in 2004, hopes about the victory of the revolutionary movement rose among the Indian people. In accordance with this the party and the PLGA strove very hard for the advancement of the revolutionary movement. It strengthened as a countrywide party. Internationally it gained the support of maoist parties and that of the working class movement. Along with the Lalgarh and Narayanapatna struggles it led anti-displacement struggles of the people and movement for separate Telangana. It conducted higher level attacks in DK, BJ, Odisha, Bengal and AOB and placed them as a model for guerilla warfare before the Indian people while the enemy was given a shocking blow. We held high the line of our party among the Indian revolutionary masses in a manner that helps the advancement of the revolutionary movement in all spheres. We successfully held the Unity Congress-9th Congress.
    At present all the major contradictions inside the country and in the world are intensifying and sharpening and the material conditions are turning favorable to the revolution. In terms of subjective condition the movement is facing critical situation. CC discussed the reasons that led to this critical situation and is formulating tactics to overcome this situation and advance the Indian revolutionary movement by well utilizing the developing favorable situation for the revolution. Let all the leadership committees from top to bottom formulate appropriate tactics basing on these tactics and keeping in view the changes occurring in the situation and advance the Indian revolutionary movement by mobilizing the entire party, PLGA and people to implement them.
    Though the countrywide revolutionary condition is critical, the condition in all the states is not similar. Only by concretely assessing the favorable and unfavorable conditions that developed in the respective Special Area/ Special Zones and the situation of the movement in various states all over the country we can formulate the tactics to advance the revolutionary movement by basing on the favorable conditions and overcoming the unfavorable conditions. So let us mention here the situation of the respective states concretely. In DK mass base decreased in considerable area, the intensity and expanse of the resistance of the PLGA and people decreased; non-proletarian trends increased in party and the PLGA, recruitment decreased; number of people leaving the party and PLGA increased. As a result of all these this movement is facing critical situation. Due to the efforts put since the past five years there is some progress in the NT movement. There is some progress in the mass struggles in AOB. However the movement in NT and AOB is in ebb. We are striving hard for their revival.
    Gondia division is continuing in a weak condition since a long period of time. Due to series of arrests in the past few years the Maharashtra movement is facing setback.
    Though the Mainpur division movement in the COB area has weakened, in the rest of the area the movement in gradually getting established among the people and expanding. Due to betrayal of panda and enemy onslaught the Odhisa movement weakened a lot. Due to heavy losses to the leadership and subjective forces and due to decrease in mass base the BJ movement suffered setback at present. Due to Comrade Kishenji’s martyrdom and the martyrdom and arrests of state and district leadership comrades and dent in the deluge of Lalgarh movement and Paschim Bang movement suffered a setback. Along with the fascist onslaught carried on by the paramilitary forces and the Army that has entrenched itself in Asom since decades, the martyrdom of four comrades including the secretary of the State Leading Committee in a fake encounter and arrest of other comrades happened and the Asom state movement that was gradually developing weakened. In North Region we lost subjective forces at various levels along with party’s central and state level leadership.
    As a result the North Regional Bureau was completely damaged and along with it movements of various states weakened a lot. Three State Committee members (SCMs) in Tamil Nadu and two SCMs in Karnataka and some cadres at various levels were arrested in the ongoing intense enemy onslaught. The enemy special forces are conducting continuous attacks on the Malnad movement that is present in a limited area. The political and organizational weaknesses that were continuing since the past led to the weakening of the Tamil Nadu and the Karnataka movements. In Kerala too the enemy repression is going on severely. After the arrests and martyrdom of CCMs this RB suffered damage. In the new strategic area of this region too they are deploying central and joint forces of three states and carrying on fake reforms and foul propaganda campaign to prevent our movement from expanding.
    Between 2009 and 2012 the enemy damaged our central weapon manufacturing and supply departments; political and military people’s intelligence departments, the central magazine department, central SUCOMO and the international departments. The country wide urban movement weakened to a large extent. After the CC-3 meeting four CCMs (Comrades Rupesh, Amber, Sukant and Jaspal) were arrested. PBM Comrade Kishenji was injured in an encounter and was caught by the enemy and was martyred.
    The relentless multi-pronged attacks on the country wide revolutionary movement carried on by the central and state government as part of LIC strategy since the formation of the CPI (Maoist) in 2004 is one of the main reasons for this situation to arise. While three to three and half lakh police, paramilitary and commando forces were deployed by mid-2010, this increased to four lakhs at present. In the areas where revolutionary movement is ongoing (particularly in 82 districts) every year the central and state governments are pouring thousands and lakhs of crores of rupees and carrying on reforms. As a result, a divide started in the people’s camp and a small section is turning into the social base of the exploiting ruling classes. As a result several unfavorable conditions to the revolutionary movement are coming to the fore. One of the reasons for this situation to arise are the weaknesses at varying scales that are continuing in carrying on class struggle basing on agrarian revolutionary program in all the movement areas.
    The movement is facing critical situation as we have not formulated appropriate tactics keeping in view the changing domestic and international social, economic and political conditions, as we have not mobilized the party and the people to implement the tactics formulated and as we have not put determined efforts to fulfill our aim. Along with these, the shortcomings in correcting the long term non-proletarian trends in our party, PLGA and revolutionary movement; the weakness and shortcomings in vastly rallying PLGA and the people in an effective manner into armed resistance and counter attacks; the shortcomings in implementing secret functioning and guerilla war principles; the weaknesses and shortcomings in the legal-illegal mechanism; the weaknesses and shortcomings in training the party, PLGA, RPCs and mass organizations ideologically, politically, organizationally and militarily in accordance with the situation; the weaknesses and shortcomings in consolidating and developing the urban movements, in rallying the non-peasant vast masses inside the movement areas and outside, the limitations in rallying the vast masses into the revolutionary movement by carrying on political and organizational work in accordance with our line and policies at all levels; decrease in mass base and recruitment; increase in the number of persons leaving the movement and limitation in the fighting ability of the PLGA coming to the fore are the subjective reasons for this situation to arise.
    Due to this change in the subjective condition, though the revolutionary material condition is developing excellently inside the country and in the world, we are facing limitations in well utilizing it. In such conditions left and right opportunist lines are arising in some places inside the party. Savyasachi Panda bringing forth right opportunist, disrupting and revisionist political arguments and Sriramula Srinivas bringing to the fore rightist line in the garb of left line by accusing our party of being rightist are a part of this. The leader of the Narayanapatna peasant struggle Nachika Linga is backing away from the movement with rightist politics. Some persons who are not seeing the enemy as a paper tiger strategically and feeling that the tactical dominance of the enemy is permanent are leaving the movement. Such wrong lines, argument and incidents may arise in future too. In such a situation some are bringing to the fore the argument that the semicolonial semi-feudal production relations in India changed and that capitalist production relations were formed.
    Basing on this they are bringing forth wrong arguments that the protracted people’s war line is useless in India. As sectarian and bureaucratic trends are continuing in party internal relations and in relations with the people it is causing harm to the party and the movement. In such a situation, basing on MLM theory, the political- military line of the party, party policies, the great experiences gained and class line-mass line, it is necessary to fight determinedly the ideological and political wrong trends and also correct the mistakes continuing in practice and strengthen unity of the party and improve our practice. Thus we should fill revolutionary enthusiasm among the people. The leadership should keep in view the possibility of some persons losing confidence on the revolutionary movement and put efforts to make them stand firmly by filling them with confidence on the revolutionary movement.
    On this occasion we should widely propagate among the party, PLGA and the people the strategic weaknesses of the enemy, the strategic strength of the revolutionary camp; the manner in which outdated semi-feudal, semicolonial production relations in our country are making the lives of the people unbearable day by day, the manner in which the major contradictions in India are intensifying due to the implementation of neo-liberal policies in our country since 20 years, the manner in which people all over the world are waging movements in various forms as all the major contradictions in the world are intensifying due to economic crisis of capitalist imperialist countries, the mass base we still have, the favorable terrain, the leadership forces we have, the leadership sources, the experiences gained by our People’s Army and people in Peoples’s War and increase their confidence on the revolutionary movement.
    We must formulate a strategic plan to overcome the critical situation faced by the movement and bring it into progression. The first point in this is strengthening the entire party ideologically and politically and condemning, exposing and defeating the anti-Marxist bourgeois and revisionist theories. As part of this we must fight back the post modernist theories. We should educate the entire party abiding by our party’s political line.
    Taking into consideration the changes occurring as a result of class struggle in semi-colonial, semi-feudal India and the changes occurring in the economic, social, cultural, administration and ecological spheres due to the onslaught in all spheres of our country on all oppressed classes-sections of people by the international financial capital that joined hands with the domestic comprador bureaucratic capital, we should formulate tactics that would mobilize the vast masses into the revolutionary movement. We should not just confine ourselves to forest areas and peasantry and basing on the experiences we gained in the plain areas we must formulate appropriate tactics suitable to the present conditions.
    We should mobilize the non-peasant vast masses in all our strategic movement areas. We should build urban movement and rally the working class and the vast urban masses into the revolutionary movement. We should correct the non- proletarian trends continuing in the party and PLGA and strengthen the party and the PLGA. Whatever may be the level of the movement, whether in the rural or the urban movement or in the united front activities while rallying the people on their daily issues and against the imperialists, particularly the US imperialists and the Indian ruling classes we should strive to rally maximum forces on a broad basis. We should get rid of the tactics and practice that would isolate us from the people and make us a target of enemy attack while working in any sphere and particularly in the urban sphere. Keeping in view the favorable conditions in various forms in various areas and all over the country and the favorable material condition which is still present, we should rally our subjective forces creatively and strive hard to is still present, we should rally our subjective forces creatively and strive hard to sustain/gain initiative.
    Entire party should work consciously and with determination to overcome the present unfavorable conditions of our movement. Along with these we should develop the entire party, PLGA and mass organizations to work dynamically basing on the tactics formulated by the PB, CC, CMC, RBs, SC/SAC/SZCs from time to time according to the changes the that occur in the conditions.
    At present let us mention the favorable material and subjective conditions that are present as a basis for formulating the general basic tactics that are to be followed in the coming two years. All the major contradictions are sharpening and intensifying inside the country and in the world. As a result, people are rallying widely into militant struggles on various issues inside the country and the world. In DK the people have steeled themselves in class struggle and People’s War in the past 30 years. In this course, the PLGA and the people defeated several enemy repressive campaigns including Salwa Judum. The Janatana Sarkars built as the organizational form of new democratic political power at area and divisional levels after destroying and paralyzing enemy power are still wielding people’s power. The process of building New Democratic economic system is continuing at a primary level under the leadership of the Janatana Sarkars.
    In accordance with this a revolutionary change is occurring at a primary level in the cultural sphere. The local organizations are working amidst relentless OGH offensives and are resisting the enemy. The effort to overcome the weaknesses and shortcomings identified in the DK plenum began. In BJ too people were steeled in 30 years of class struggle and people’s war. In this course they fought back several enemy repressive campaigns and defeated them. At present the peasantry and para teachers there are fighting militantly. The Jharkhand Adivasi peasantry is fighting militantly against the conspiracies of the ruling classes to undermine the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act, against displacement and for the annulment of MoUs signed by the state government with CBB and MNCs.
    In Bihar too peasants are fighting on various issues. There are several potentialities for the BJ movement to advance. In Telangana the movement for separate Telangana is developing in militant forms. Revolutionary political and propaganda agitations are ongoing widely in AP, NT and AOB. People are getting consolidated through various people’s movements. In Bengal comrades are striving to overcome the heavy leadership losses and the setback of the glorious people’s movement of Lalgarh. In Odisha comrades are fighting back the betrayal of Panda and are putting efforts to consolidate the subjective forces and develop the mass base.
    Though the party forces in Tamil Nadu Karnataka and Kerala are in limited numbers, they are striving to build the revolutionary movement. Though the RB in North India suffered damage due to losses, the limited forces present there are striving to build the revolutionary movement in the states where they are present. In Korchi area of Gondia division, the people rallied vastly and militantly against ‘Korchi Loh Prakalp’. Inside the prisons too party leaders and cadres are fighting unflinchingly. In the past two years we extended to the COB area. In BJ we extended to some areas. Party plenums were held in some states and new forces were elected to the Divisional/Zonal, Special Zone/Special Area Committees. The PLGA in the East and Central Regions is resisting the enemy and gaining some considerable successes. In these areas along with PLGA the People’s Militia and the people too are resisting the enemy.
    The Lalgarh people’s deluge suffered setback due to severe enemy repression and due to heavy leadership losses. The Narayanapatna peasant revolutionary movement is facing severe repression. These struggles have not only imparted great experiences to us but are also providing constant inspiration not only to the people of those areas but also to the people all over the country. Keeping in view the favorable and unfavorable conditions mentioned above along with the excellent material situation developing favorably to the revolution in our country, let us formulate the following tactics for the coming two years.
    Let us formulate these tactics with the aim of fighting back and defeating multi-pronged countrywide onslaught carried on by the enemy in the name of OGH, of preserving the movement and of advancing for the fulfillment of the tasks formulated by the Unity Congress Tactics are not formulated just by basing on the condition of the subjective forces. Tactics are formulated basing on the favorable and unfavorable conditions in the contemporary material and subjective situations. In the present critical situations the conscious, courageous and planned efforts of the party would be the guarantee for gaining successes. By bolshevizing and strengthening the party, by enhancing the quality of PLGA and by revolutionizing the people ideologically and politically, by taking up politically offensive tactics utilizing the present favorable material condition to the revolution and by actively mobilizing the PLGA and the people actively in People’s War, we would definitely advance in fulfilling the higher level tasks. We should understand the tactics being formulated now with this view.
    1. We should preserve the subjective forces (from CC up to party cell) from enemy onslaught; particularly priority should be given to preservation of top level leadership forces. We should ensure that the party, PLGA and the local organizations do not get isolated from the people in enemy onslaught. The State/ Special Zone/ Special Area Committees up to the AC/PPCs should take up appropriate steps for this sake. Secondary leadership should be developed in a planned manner at all levels. The ideological and political levels of leadership from higher level to lower level should be enhanced. We should give special education on the political and military tactics that are to be followed when the movement is facing critical situation.
    We should develop the political level of the party such that we can study from time to time the changing social, economic and political conditions and formulate new tactics by making the necessary changes in the tactics in accordance with them. We must train the party cadres at all levels for this sake. We should conduct education and ratification against the non-proletarian trends that developed in the party. Party should be bolshevized through all these.
    2. In all the movement areas anti-imperialist, anti-feudal class struggles should be intensified basing on agrarian revolutionary program. We should not confine to secret and illegal activities in this class struggle and utilize united front activities, open and legal struggle and organizational forms to rally vast masses (students, youth, employees and other petty bourgeois sections and various oppressed social sections).
    3. As part of anti-imperialist, anti-feudal class struggle we must concentrate on land issue or Jal-Jungle- Zameen issue and displacement issue. Along with these we must taken up daily issues of the people. We must rally the people in struggles from local level to state level. We should gain new forces from these struggles and strengthen the party and the PLGA. In order to utilize the people’s struggles erupting spontaneously all over the country in favor of revolution, we should participate in those struggles and lead them.
    4. As part of mass work all the local organizations should be functioned regularly. People and local organizations should be mobilized against OGH and rallied actively and militantly. Mass work and resistance should be carried on with coordination. We should be cautious not to let the trend that neglects resistance in the name of primacy of mass work to arise. We should carry on political, organizational and military work in coordination with the aim of defeating OGH.
    In areas where carpet security is spread we should give primacy to secret structures and function the local structures in a lively manner. The shortcomings occurring in work methods formulated in areas of carpet security should be corrected. In these areas, while giving primacy to secret structures we should from united front and cover organizations that would be helpful in consolidating vast masses. Basing on the results obtained in practice, we should develop the tactics to carry on mass work and resistance in carpet security areas and make them comprehensive.
    5. Taking into consideration the uneven development, level of formations and the strengths and weaknesses of the People’s Army, we should carry on guerilla warfare to the best of our capacity in all areas including extension areas. In all areas we should intensify and expand the guerilla warfare to the best of our capacity. The guerillas should utilize every opportunity present for damaging enemy forces and to seize weapons from them. Only by display of initiative by guerillas to utilize such opportunities, can we damage the initiative of the enemy and increase our initiative and bring the anticipated change in the conditions. Military Commissions and Commands at all levels should guide such that formations and level of actions are implemented according to the decisions taken in this meeting. In order to politically mobilize the people against OGH and to resist and defeat it we should increase the active participation of people in People’s War.
    6. We should increase the commanding efficiency of the commissions and the commands and the fighting efficiency of the PLGA forces to fight back the enemy onslaught by constantly studying the changes occurring in the counter-insurgency and counter-guerilla warfare operations and by identifying the enemy weaknesses in them. The PLGA forces should be given military training to fight back the changing enemy tactics.
    7. We should carry on guerilla warfare to fight back the enemy onslaught on strategic areas and guerilla bases. As part of this people and the People’s Militia should be rallied on a vast scale and mine warfare should be intensified. The People’s Militia should be armed with the weapons available.
    8. We should seize arms, ammunition and other war material from the enemy, utilize the local sources, increase them further and wage guerilla warfare basing on them. We should preserve all kinds of war material carefully. We should immediately correct the shortcomings occurring till now in supply of war materials, dumping and their utilization. Higher level commissions, commands and party committees should pay special attention on this.
    9. Priority should be accorded to extension of X area. The extension of DK should be gradually fulfilled. The internal extension decided in BJ should be continued. Extension in other areas should be taken up according to the availability of forces. We should see to it that the enemy is dispersed through this extension. In every state in our country where our party is working we should put efforts to develop subjective forces while developing mass base. In all areas leadership should put efforts in a planned manner to advance with higher level tasks basing on the good results we achieve in our practice.
    10. We should preserve the remaining forces in the urban movement and run the movement there. We should create new forces in the towns adjacent to our movement areas and strive to build the movement.
    11. We should correct the non-proletarian trends present in the party, PLGA and local organizations. Rectification campaigns should be taken up where necessary.
    12. Thousands of party leaders of various levels, cadres, activists of mass organizations and RPCs and sympathizers are incarcerated in jails all over the country. They form a considerable part of our party at present. The leadership inside the prisons and outside should put efforts so that all of them get rallied through jail communes and build movements with coordination and get educated ideologically and politically. We should put efforts so that they can play appropriate roles directly in the revolutionary movement after their release from the prisons.
    13. We should carry on revolutionary propaganda war constantly and efficiently to fight back from time to time the psychological warfare of the enemy against the revolutionary movement conducted as part of counter- insurgency operations.
    14. Fascist repression is increasing in our country with each passing day. We should put efforts for the rights movement against this and for democratic rights of the people to be carried on more effectively and its expansion.
    15. In the backdrop of all the international forces having lot of hopes on the Indian revolutionary movement, the responsibilities of the international tasks of the party increased than in the past. Though party suffered leadership losses, we should carry on international work in various forms and at various levels even with limited forces. We should muster active solidarity to the Indian revolutionary movement.
    16. If we are to implement the above tasks properly, we should improve our work style. As part of it, we should establish lively and affectionate relations with the people. We should correct the shortcomings occurring in implementing mass line-class line. We should implement the tactics mentioned above in the coming two years and work with the aim of reviving the areas in setback; we should once again mobilize and consolidate the party forces where they had become dispersed; we should strengthen in the areas where we have weakened and we should expand to new areas and spheres basing on this consolidated strength.
    Basing on these tactics the RBs and SZC/SAC/SCs should concretely formulate the goals to be fulfilled in their respective areas. The enemy formulated a plan to decimate our party and the movement in our country within the next five years and is carrying on the offensive intensely and widely. In such a situation we should drag this war on through our resistance utilizing the above mentioned tactics. We should make the plan of the enemy unsuccessful by dragging on this war and defeat him. The enemy is seriously worried as the revolutionary situation is developing day by day and we are gaining small and big successes in various areas by fighting back severe and widespread repression. Our counter attacks on the enemy are continuing. If we can bolshevize the party even under such difficult conditions, increase mass base and advance while damaging the enemy by strengthening the PLGA, we can develop the revolutionary movement by overcoming this critical situation. Once again we can create favorable subjective situation and advance for the fulfillment of the tasks given by the Unity Congress. This has been proven many times over in the history of the International Communist Movement.
    4. On celebration of 10 years of party formation day
    By September 21, 2014 it would be ten years since the formation of Communist Party of India (Maoist). CC-4 decided to celebrate this occasion on a huge scale all over the country. Under the present conditions where our country wide movement weakened and is facing critical situation – party should immediately concentrate completely on strengthening the mass base, on waging the resistance war actively and on mobilizing the people in this war actively. We must place the results achieved in various spheres and in revolutionary practice since the formation of the new party in front of the party, PLGA and the people and use this occasion completely to education them.
    The political propaganda to be taken up by our party on this occasion should increase the confidence among the people that the revolutionary movement would definitely strengthen under the leadership of the party, with the support of the PLGA and with the building of revolutionary people’s committees and that a strong party can develop with the building of People’s Liberation Army, establishment of liberated areas, building of a countrywide movement and with recruitment of new forces. The message of the CC on the occasion of September 21, 2013 should contain relevant directives regarding the ten years celebrations. CC must bring out a special issue of PW on the ten years occasion. CC comrades should write articles in this issue in the backdrop of the tasks taken by the CC-4 and send via RB secretaries to GS six months prior to its release.
    Among the theoretical articles we must definitely include selected articles from the writings of comrades CM and KC along with the main article to be written by GS giving a direction on the experiences gained by the party in these ten years. A special issue of MIB should be released for this occasion. PBMs should write theoretical articles and send within the stipulated time (six months before its release) to GS. In the light of the teachings of Comrade Lenin that there is no revolution without a revolutionary party the Regional Bureaus, State Committees, Special Area/Special Zonal Committees and SMC/SAMCs must release circulars with concrete program three months beforehand mentioning the significance of the ten years celebrations. In all the states the ideological, political and military magazines should be brought out as special issues. Where there are no magazines they must at least be brought out as bulletin souvenir. They should also carry interviews of experienced party senior comrades. The souvenirs that would be released by the CC and the state committees should publish photographs of martyr comrades after the merger, their life histories, the photographs of important comrades who are in jails and their contribution.
    -Special Bulletins of Party, PLGA magazines on the 10 years celebrations should be published.
    -The revolutionary people’s organizations/cultural activists should release a documentary with a message on the occasion of the ten years celebrations (a video film not exceeding one hour)
    -The revolutionary women’s organizations, cultural organizations and RPC should release special issues on the ten years occasion. Where publication of the magazines stopped, efforts should be put to definitely bring out the issues on this occasion.
    -The ten years celebrations should be conducted for ten days from September 21 to 30. (Depending on the conditions they can be extended not exceeding one month).
    -……………
    - Selected articles of Marxist Great Teachers explaining the significance of the party should be released in the form of small booklets for the education of the party cadres.
    ( Regarding Veteran Comrades
    Since 2005 several CC comrades were arrested from various areas in our country. Though all of them are living under horrible conditions in prisons, all of them are resisting the enemy with lot of revolutionary enthusiasm. Some among them are suffering from serious ill health along with old age. If such comrades get released, in the backdrop of serious enemy repression at present, we must inform them that since party and the movement had weakened in several states, we cannot make them go underground and that they would have to share their share of leadership responsibilities while spending an open life. We have to appeal to them to think about the need to work even while facing the dangers and challenges of open life and convince them.
    We should keep in view that due to absence of veteran comrades in the daily life of the party, we will not be able to get their valuable suggestions in the daily activities of the party. So, by following certain correct and scientific methods we should definitely try to get suggestion, ideas and some ideological and political articles from them. The CC should make the necessary suggestions to give them guidance and give them the necessary help and cooperation. We should form a mechanism that would help open and secret work. We should formulate appropriate methods.
    10. On arrest of political prisoners
    The struggle form of arresting government officials to get our comrades in illegal police custody released started in 1979 itself. Among the later incidents the Gurtedu incident, Sudhir Kumar incident and arrest of Dharma Rao Atram in DK were the prominent ones. In all these three incidents we could get our comrades released. After the 1990s apart from these, some more incidents occurred. Some actions were conducted by the local leadership and the people, while majority of them were conducted by the squads. Majority of the incidents happened spontaneously, while some were conducted with a plan.
    After 1985, government repression increased and as illegal arrests, fake encounters and disappearances increased, the proposals from people and the cadre to take up this struggle form also increased. In this course, by the 1990s, arresting from ordinary clerks who collect electricity bills up to the collector, from ordinary sarpanches up to MLAs on various issues such as – permission for meetings, for judicial trails, for pattas to the land occupied by the people, for rebuilding the martyrs’ columns destroyed by the police, for getting the comrades in jails released etc increased. In one incident we arrested Mandal President Gajula Sankaraiah and as the demand was not fulfilled, we killed him. Such incidents not only caused anxiety among the middle class people but had also weakened their confidence on the party. Keeping in view this total situation and the limitations of this struggle form, the COC of the erstwhile CPI (ML) [People’s War] released a circular in 1990 and gave guidelines in it. Later these incidents decreased.
    The incidents that happened were reviewed in the respective conferences and these were included in the Political Organizational Reviews. Though this struggle form was taken up sporadically after 2000 too, it increased from 2011 onwards. In 2011- 12 in Odisha and Chhattisgarh we arrested collectors Vineel Krishna, Alex Paul Menon, MLA Jhina Hikaka and Italian tourists and demanded the Green Hunt must be stopped and that political prisoners in illegal custody of the government must be released. In Odisha apart from these demands we demanded the government to solve some important people’s issues. The release of political prisoners was the main demand and we put other demands mainly for propaganda purpose. In the above four incidents, we could not get our important comrades released from jails.
    Only in Odisha some common peasants and legal comrades got bails. Mili Panda, the wife of Savyasachi Panda was released by the government as part of a plan. We could politically expose the government by propagating to some extent on repression and people’s issues. However we could not gain the benefits we expected from these incidents. On the other hand, the Odisha and CG governments used the bourgeois media and propagated on a huge scale that the actions done by us were undemocratic. Portraying the persons in our custody as ‘people’s servant’, they rallied various sections of people against our actions and brought pressure on us. They placed law and constitution in front of the mediators appointed by us and signed agreements tactfully without showing concrete solution to any of our demands. When we study the above phenomena, we faced more losses than political gains through the above three incidents. Keeping in view this result, we must keep in mind the following guidelines when we take up this struggle form.
    1. Though arresting persons is a struggle form it has many limitations. There is no scope for people’s direct participation in this struggle form. That is why we must not take up this struggle form on a vast scale. At no cost must we arrest persons who are not people’s enemies.
    2. When we want to get important leaders released, we must choose the target (class enemies) that would get the government to surrender. We must not give lot of time to the government to fulfill the demand. When we understand the government is taking an adamant stand, we must annihilate the people’s enemy in our custody and withdraw from this arena of struggle.
    3. If we give more time to the enemy in this process, due to the strength of the enemy we may have to face the risk of their attacks. Moreover, there is a possibility of their arresting pro-movement intellectuals and sympathizers as a counter and pushing us into a defensive position. As we got this experience in AP we must keep this too in mind.
    4. When we want to take up this struggle form, a part from formulating a correct plan we must keep in view the then concrete political conditions (the contradictions between the ruling class parties, between the central and state governments). These contradictions would help to some extent in fulfilling our demand.
    5. It would be useful if we do not appoint mediators in this struggle form. If we feel it is necessary, then it would be better not to appoint liberal democrats (such as BD Sharma, Haragopal etc). As they work as mediators from our side, they would be branded with the Maoist seal and they would face some limitations in working with other intellectual and democratic sections.
    6. If in any instance we arrest corrupt government officials and political leaders, we must put them on trial among the people and mete out appropriate punishments to them. We must not follow methods such as arresting soft targets among them, giving statements that we would kill them after putting demands then and there and later releasing them. Due to such acts, apart from our party losing its political dignity in the eyes of the people, some of them would even turn against us.
    7. The government is propagating that collector Vineel Krishna and Alex Paul Menon are ‘civil servants’ and are serving the people, whereas they are playing a crucial role in the counter-insurgency plan of the government on the revolutionary movement. This propaganda is having its impact on the middle classes too. So we must expose the crucial role played by such officials against the revolutionary movement as a whole. In this course, keeping in view their role, we must punish the important government officials when they are caught as prisoners or otherwise.
    8. We must not put political and economic demands when we take up this struggle form. We must not take this up with the view of exposing the government politically (for propaganda). Doing so would send wrong signals to the fighting people. Any struggle form taken up by us should aim to mobilize the people as much as possible. Even while getting the political prisoners released we must primarily try to mobilize the people and take up the struggle even while utilizing the lawful opportunities.
    9. When lower level cadres take up this process, the higher committee comrades must intervene and carry on the process in accordance with our guidelines. When the higher committee arrests anybody as per plan, they must take up the entire responsibility.
    12. CC Special Resolutions
    1. Comrade Barunda, CCM and who worked as PBM was arrested in end 2005. He had to spend his life behind bars for the past eight years with several false cases foisted on him. Prison life in old age had deteriorated his health in several ways. CPI (Maoist) is sending its revolutionary greetings to the lawyers and other revolutionary, progressive and democratic rights activists and organizations that worked hard for his release. CC is feeling very rejuvenated and enthusiastic with Comrade Barunda joining the outside revolutionary movement once again directly. CC is expressing its joy at his release. CC feels that the news items published in the name of his interview in contradiction of his role in revolutionary movement by journalists who are hand in glove with the enemy and taken in the conditions where he is suffering from serious ill health are nothing but a creation of the media. CC seriously took into consideration his old age and ill health and decided to well utilize the rest of his life for contributing to the revolutionary movement.
    a….unit should allot a comrade to help him in all manners. That comrade should mainly be engaged in this work.
    b. He should send his suggestions to the mother organization on the situation of the movement.
    c. Messages should be delivered through him in important forums (for eg: against Green Hunt/deployment of Indian Army.
    d. We must record in audio and video his long term experiences in the revolutionary movement and his observation on the domestic and international conditions…..Comrades must select a team necessary for this and ensure that this work is completed in six months. These audio and video records and any things that he writes should be copied and one set should be sent to the mother organization and another set should be kept with him.
    e. He should be requested to write an article for the ten years celebrations of the party.
    f. We must suggest to prominent persons who are contributing to the revolutionary movement legally to meet him in between.
    2. Due to the increasingly severe onslaught of the enemy our party cadres got incarcerated in prisons in considerable numbers under various circumstances. Lawyers and other organizations are striving hard for their release. As a result several of the party cadres who are got or are getting released are once again joining the revolutionary movement. Some among those who are not getting party contacts immediately are even working under some cover temporarily till they get party contact. Doing so is correct. However the fractions in those organizations should not appoint them in ECs though they may join them as ordinary members in those organizations till they get concrete suggestions from the concerned party committee. CC is making it clear that they should not be considered as other members working in their organization. Either the organizations or the cadres released should finalize such decisions only after consulting the respective committees.
    Likewise in the name of security some comrades who were released from prisons are joining organizations that are directly or indirectly serving the government or in organizations that depend on their funds. They are not informing the party too clearly about this. CC is suggesting to those comrades that even for security reasons they should select only those organizations/professions that would not harm the revolution in any manner.
    3. CC decided not to function under the same fraction the various organizations that are working as centers of United Front for countrywide revolutionary activities. The fractions in those organizations should strive to work by limiting themselves to the program written in the manifestos of the respective organizations. The fractions in them should put efforts to make the MOs work actively abiding by their program and building movements from time to time according to the situation. None from the fractions should make open discussion on ideological-political issues that do not concern the manifesto and constitution of their respective MOs.
    Likewise the fraction of an organization or a single fraction member should not make open accusations and criticisms on another organization or its fraction or any of its fraction members. The two fractions may give each other friendly suggestions. Every comrade has the responsibility to examine these suggestions that give priority to revolutionary interests and take them. SUF should give full support for the TUF programs to be conducted smoothly. They should help each other for the smooth conduct of the programs. The teams that were decided to solve the differences that arose between some comrades in the two organizations and between comrades in state level MOs of neighboring states should immediately get into this job. We are requesting that along with these teams formed on these disputes, the two fractions should send detailed reports separately to the CC.
    4. We should intensify political agitation and propaganda for the unconditional release of senior party leaders Comrade Narayan Sanyal, Comrade Sheela di, Comrade Kobad Gandhi and Com. Amberda who are Spending prison life since a long time at old age and in ill health. A defence committee should be formed on behalf of X organization for their release. Their organization’s president and secretary should be part of this. ‘Dohaha’ should be joined in this committee to work full time for fulfillment of this task. The efforts to open an office in Delhi for this should be initiated. The respective state committees should appoint lawyers for solving the cases in various states. Lawyers should be appointed from the centre for special cases according to the need. The state committees should immediately respond for appropriate sureties. Appeals should be made inside the country and internationally for the release of these comrades for various kinds of people’s responses including signature campaign. Pressure should be build up on central and state governments. ***
    http://www.signalfire.org/?p=27174
     
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in Two soldiers killed, four injured as NPA, military clash   
    Two soldiers killed, four injured as NPA, military clash   MANILA, Philippines– Two soldiers were killed and four were hurt in an ambush by New People’s Army (NPA) in Quezon, 7:30a.m. Monday, two days after the arrest of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) chairman Benito Tiamzon and his wife.   Soldiers from the Army’s 85th Infantry Battalion were aboard a KM450 truck for a medical mission in Vegaflor village in Lopez town when they were ambushed in Cogorin village, Brigadier General Alex Capina, Commander of the 201st Brigade, said.   One officer, a lieutenant, and a solder, a Private First Class were killed. They, however, were not identified.   Lieutenant Colonel Oliver Maquiling, civil-military operations chief of the Army 2nd Infantry Division, condemned the attacks.   “This is not a combat operation,” Maquiling said. “We condemn this act by the NPA, the men were supposed to help the people in the area.”   Capina could not say whether the rebels used a bomb.   “Possibly, but we are also conducting an operation in the other side….Their anniversary is also near so we are conducting operations and they saw an opportunity,” Capina said when asked if this was part of the expected retaliatory attacks following the arrest of Tiamzon.   The CPP will celebrate its 45th year on March 29, making it one of the longest-running insurgencies in Asia.   Series of encounters   The military also engaged with the NPA thrice in Eastern Visayas on Sunday.   Reports from the Army’s 8th Infantry Division said the first encounter happened past 10a.m.  near Capoto-an village in Las Navas town, Northern Samar.   Troops from the Army’s 34th Infantry Battalion pre-empted a supposed offensive by the communist rebels. They were fired upon as they got closer to the rebels’ location, which led to a 15-minute encounter.   The second encounter, meanwhile, was past 12 noon in Cuenco village of the same town, or four kilometers from the first encounter.  This time, the 10-minute firefight was between the Army’s 1st Scout Ranger Battalion and the NPA.   There were no reported casualties from the government side, but on NPA’s part, there were “traces of blood” along the routes where the rebels fled.   The third encounter was in Buluan village in Calbiga in Samar, and lasted for 15 minutes. Soldiers from the Army’s 1st Scout Ranger Battalion caught up with the rebels hiding near the village center.   An M14 rifle was seized and the owner was reported to be fatally wounded but fled with his comrades.   MORE…   http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/588527/two-soldiers-killed-four-injured-as-npa-military-clash  
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    NPA-Rizal attacks Philippine Army troops in Antipolo City, 8 soldiers wounded   Red fighters belonging to the New People’s Army Narciso Antazo Aramil Command (NAAC-NPA-Rizal) attacked government troops belonging to the 59th and 16th Infantry Battalions, Philippine Army in Barangay (village) Calawis, Antipolo City last 3 and 7 March 2014, that resulted to eight government troops wounded.   A squad of the NAAC-NPA forces harassed the detachment of 59th Infantry Battalion in Sitio Apya, Barangay Calawis, Antipolo City, early morning of 3 March 2014. A government soldier named Bong Manuva was wounded in this attack.   Another Squad of the NAAC-NPA forces attacked members of 16th Infantry Battalion conducting military operations under the guise of "community organizing for peace and development" (COPD) in Barangay Calawis, Antipolo City, at 7:00 pm. Seven government troops were wounded in this attack. This attack forced members of COPD teams to withdraw haphazardly. The residents in the area commented happily that the government soldiers retreated with their tails between their legs, too afraid to be hit by NPA fire. In both attacks, the NPA forces retreated with no casualties on their side.   These tactical offensives were launched in response to the peoples cries to to give justice to the victims of military abuses and human rights violations. Members of 59th and 16th Infantry Battalions troops wantonly harass, threaten and maim farmers, settlers and Dumagat tribesmen whom they always suspect as supporters of the revolutionary movement.   Thousand of government soldiers conducting military operations in the province with their intelligence units launching massive intelligence gathering operations failed to detect the attacking NPA units. This only shows that their much-vaunted pronouncement that their counter-insurgency OPLAN BAYANIHAN is winning the hearts and mind of the people is proven to be a much-vaunted lie. The people knows who their real army is, which is none other than the New People’s Army and not Philippine government troops whom they hate much. The NPA-Rizal members thrive on the support of the people in the province of Rizal.   The increasing capacity of the NPA-Rizal to conduct tactical offensives is an additional proof that OPLAN BAYANIHAN is a complete failure in the province of Rizal. It is an additional testament that General Bautista of AFP is eating his own words when he declared that he will make the NPA forces an insignificant force under his reign in the AFP. Instead of becoming insignificant, the NPA forces will vigorously advance in the struggle to end the semi-colonial and semi-feudal system now ruled by the US-Aquino Regime. Together with the Filipino people, the revolutionary movement will continue the advance the people’s war from strategic defensive to the next higher stage until victory.   Long live the Filipino People! Long live the New People’s Army!   http://www.ndfp.net/web2014/index.php/news/statements/2060-npa-rizal-attacks-philippine-army-troops-in-antipolo-city-8-soldiers-wounded  
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    After arrest of CPP leaders, military asks NPA members to lay down arms
     
    Will this end the 45-year armed struggle of the New People's Army?
     
    After nabbing the leader of the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People's Army-National Democratic Front in Cebu, the Armed Forces of the Philippines on Sunday asked the insurgents to surrender.
     
    "We call [on] the rest of the members of the CPP-NPA to lay down their arms, abandon the armed struggle, return to the comfort of their families, and join us in bringing peace and development to our nation," AFP chief of staff General Emmanuel Bautista said in a televised news conference.
     
    "The arrest of Benito and Wilma Tiamzon is another victory for the combined efforts between the AFP and PNP (Philippine National Police) and other stakeholders in pursuit of peace and security," he noted.
     
    On Saturday, around 3:15 p.m., the Tiamzon couple were arrested in Barangay Zaragoza,  Aloguinsan, Cebu.
     
    Wilma Tiamzon was allegedly the secretary general of CPP-NPA while her husband, Benito, was purportedly the chairman of the group.
     
    "These [arrests] contribute largely to our cause of finally winning peace in our country. Remember that [benito] Tiamzon is the head of the military NPA and CPP who directs the armed struggle all around the country; who direct all the land mining, killing, and the violence perpetuated by CPP," Bautista claimed.
     
    NPA will celebrate its 45th anniversary on March 29.
     
    Bautista said that the rebels had transformed into bandits who "focus on extortion activities."
     
    The AFP chief also noted that "no singular person was directly responsible" for the arrests.
     
    "It is a continuing activity and it is a collective efforts of the all the units of the Armed Forces past and present," he said.
     
    "Indeed, it was a great step forward... for us to finally put an end to armed struggle. [This] is a very big contribution to that effort," he added.
     
    According to Bautista, the couple is currently with the PNP-CIDG (Crime Investigation and Detection Group) for processing and documentation. Then, they will be moved to the PNP Custodial Center.
     
    Bautista also noted that the military is prepared for retaliatory attacks from the NPA following Tiamzons' arrest.
     
    In a statement on its website, the CPP condemned the couple's arrest, saying that the criminal chargest against the Tiamzons were "trumped-up." — Rouchelle R. Dinglasan/BM, GMA News
     
    http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/353803/news/nation/after-arrest-of-cpp-leaders-military-asks-npa-members-to-lay-down-arms
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    The revolution is free to grow in strength and advance – Prof. Sison
     
    On the arrest of Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria
    jms ndfp-flag 09dec2013
     
    Interview with Prof. JOSE MARIA SISON
    Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines
     
    By ROSELLE VALERIO
    Liberation International
     
    Roselle Valerio (RV): What was your immediate reaction to the arrest of Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria?
     
    Jose Maria Sison (JMS): I thought immediately that the arrest of these two NDFP consultants in the peace negotiations is in violation of the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG). They are holders of the document of identification under JASIG and are protected from surveillance, harassment and arrest.
     
    RV: Is it true, as Alex Padilla, the military and other Aquino government officials claim, that you are on opposite sides with the Tiamzon couple regarding peace negotiations? That Tiamzon and Austria are “hardliners” and “war freaks” and that they are at odds with you and the NDFP negotiating panel?
     
    JMS: The Tiamzon couple are in support of the peace negotiations. That's why they are consultants in the peace negotiations. The claims of high officials and military officers of the reactionary government that the Tiamzon couple are at odds with the CPP founding chairman and the NDFP Negotiating Panel is a malicious intrigue. They should read the official declarations of the CPP Central Committee supporting the work of the NDFP Negotiating Panel and its consultants, including myself.
     
    RV: How well do you know Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria?
     
    JMS: I knew them as excellent cadres of the Manila-Rizal regional committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines in the early 1970s. Then Benny Tiamzon became secretary of the Eastern Visayas regional committee of the CPP in the mid-1970s onwards. He was outstanding for his comprehensive ability in ideology, politics and organization. Wilma was also outstanding. It is not surprising that they would rise to the highest central positions in tne CPP.
     
    RV: What do you know of Tiamzon's involvement and role in the CPP in the 1990s, in the Second Great Rectification Movement?
     
    JMS: Tiamzon played a leading role in the Second Great Rectification Movement, which started in 1992. This was an educational campaign that reaffirmed basic revolutionary principles and resulted in the rectification of serious subjectivist and opportunist errors and the revitalization and resurgence of the CPP, NPA, the mass base and the people's democratic government. The CPP cadres and members held on to the general line of democratic revolution through protracted people's war, while a few rabid opponents became NGO racketeers, yellow labor dealers, bureaucrats of the reactionary government and even spies and psywar experts of the military
     
    RV: What do you know of the Tiamzon couple's current roles in the CPP and their activities in the Visayas when they were arrested?
     
    JMS: My reliable source of information regarding the current roles of the Tiamzons is the CPP official statement published in Ang Bayan. They are described as senior leaders of the CPP paying close attention to the plight and rehabilitation of the communities and families victimized by the supertyphoon Haiyan (Yolanda) in the Visayas.
     
    RV: What will be the impact of the arrest of the Tiamzon couple on the CPP leadership? The military say that without Tiamzon the CPP will suffer from a vacuum of leadership.
     
    JMS: Leadership in the CPP is collective. It does not depend on any single leader no matter how excellent. When I was arrested in 1977, I was the CPP Central Committee chairman. But the armed revolution continued, grew in strength and became a major factor in the overthrow of Marcos despite his boast that he had finished off the CPP upon my arrest.
     
    Like me and Julie when we were arrested in 1977, Benny Tiamzon and Wilma Austria will be replaced automatically by comrades. To use basketball parlance, I say that the CPP has a deep bench. The Central Committee is replenished and further strengthened by the increasing number of national cadres as well as regional cadres from some 17 regions.
     
    RV: What will be the impact on the New People's Army and the people's war?
     
    JMS: The NPA will become even more determined to wage people's war. The ground is fertile for people's war because of the system of oppression and exploitation that subjects the people to intolerable suffering. The people desire the overthrow of the rotten system of big compradors and landlords servile to US imperialism.
     
    RV: What was the status of the NDFP-GPH peace negotiations before the arrest of the Tiamzon couple? What will now be consequences to the peace negotiations?
     
    JMS: Before the arrest of the Tiamzon couple, the peace negotiations were paralyzed by the Aquino regime's noncompliance with and violations of existing agreements between the NDFP and the Manila government. The imprisonment of JASIG-protected consultants has had adverse consequences to the peace negotiations.
     
    RV: Do you have a message you would like to convey to Benito Tiamzon, Wilma Austria, and their five companions?
     
    JMS: Luis Jalandoni and the NDFP Negotiating Panel are working hard to demand their release in accordance with the JASIG. But the Aquino regime is extremely reactionary, narrow-minded and short- sighted. I told Marcos in 1977: you have imprisoned me but the revolutionary movement is free to grow in strength and advance. Imprisonment is an opportunity to perform an important form of service to the people. By manifesting their defiance, revolutionary prisoners can inspire the people to fight more fiercely for their national and social liberation.
     
    RV: What is your message to the Aquino regime?
     
    JMS: Respect the The Hague Joint Declaration and the JASIG and release the NDFP peace consultants. Respect the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) and release the political prisoners imprisoned on trumped-up common crimes. Thus, there will be a sound basis for resuming the peace negotiations.
     
    http://www.ndfp.net/web2014/index.php/publications/liberation/2056-the-revolution-is-free-to-grow-in-strength-and-advance-prof-sison
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in Revolutionary groups press for Tiamzons’ release, refute gov’t claims   
    Revolutionary groups press for Tiamzons’ release, refute gov’t claims    Members of a revolutionary women’s group marched in downtown Manila to press for the release of Wilma Austria-Tiamzon and Benito Tiamzon, alleged leaders of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and peace consultants for the underground umbrella group National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Their faces covered in masks, members of Makabayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (Makibaka), an allied organization of NDFP, carried CPP and New People’s Army (NPA) flags and placards condemning the arrest of Austria and Tiamzon, who along with five others, were captured by combined military and police elements in Carcar City, Cebu on Saturday, March 22. The lightning rally was also conducted a few days before NPA’s 45th anniversary on March 29. Malaya Libertad, Makibaka spokesperson, described Austria as an epitome of a revolutionary woman. “She should be exalted and not be incarcerated like an ordinary criminal,” Libertad said. “She should be released immediately especially that her health is failing.” She added that unlike President Aquino, the Tiamzons personally oversaw relief and rehabilitation efforts for victims of typhoon Yolanda in Eastern Visayas. Austria, Libertad said, was in the forefront of rehabilitation efforts specifically for women and children.   Illegal arrest? In her letter obtained by Pinoy Weekly, Wilma Austria said that at the time of their arrest, they were carrying identification cards and safe conduct passes issued through the Joint Agreement on Immunity and Safety Guarantee (Jasig). Austria said the arresting officers did not give recognition to it and instead confiscated the documents. Military and government officials insist that the arrest of the couple and their companions were within legal bounds and denied that the Tiamzons are protected from arrest under Jasig. Alex Padilla, chief negotiator for the Government of the Philippines (GPH), said that the Tiamzons have never been in any peace negotiation. “We had not seen even their shadows,” Padilla said. He also added that NDFP consultants who were released by virtue of Jasig returned to the underground movement and continued fulfilling tasks to overthrow the government. He insisted that that Jasig is inoperational due to the stalled peace negotiations. But the NDFP reiterated that the Jasig is still operational even when negotiations are stalled. “Alex Padilla should not use the issue of (NDFP) consultants who returned in the underground after their release,” Austria said. She said it is imperative for NDFP consultants to be with their constituents. “This is to assure that we strictly follow their genuine interest in the process of peace talks,” Austria explained in her letter. Even former government negotiating panel chairman Silvestre H. Bello III urged the government to honor the Jasig. In a Davao Today report, Bello said, “The JASIG took effect upon signing by the parties and will be in effect until it is terminated by either party through a written notice.” He added that the NDFP has two lists–one bearing real names and the other bearing assumed names or aliases. So far, there has been no official termination of the peace negotiations between GPH and NDFP.   Revolution continues The CPP has dismissed as “hallucination” claims by the military and some personalities that the arrest of Austria and Tiamzon will “doom” the revolutionary movement. It described as “self-delusional” Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Chief-of-Staff Gen. Emmanuel Bautista’s calls for NPA members to surrender. The CPP said that Aquino has failed to address the root causes of the armed conflict. Majority of Filipinos, it said, still suffers from widespread unemployment, low wages, high prices, land grabbing and landlessness. Widespread human rights abuses have also been committed by the AFP, especially in the countryside. The CPP also said that it has a system of “orderly succession” in case its leaders fall in the hands of their enemy. Prof. Jose Maria Sison, CPP founding chairman and currently NDFP’s chief political consultant, meanwhile, dismissed government officials’ claims that the Tiamzons are at odds with him regarding the peace process. “The Tiamzon couple are in support of the peace negotiations. That’s why they are consultants in the peace negotiations. The claims of high officials and military officers of the reactionary government that the Tiamzon couple are at odds with the CPP founding chairman and the NDFP Negotiating Panel is a malicious intrigue,” Sison said.   http://pinoyweekly.org/new/2014/03/revolutionary-groups-press-for-tiamzons-release-refute-govt-claims/  
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in Revolutionary groups press for Tiamzons’ release, refute gov’t claims   
    Revolutionary groups press for Tiamzons’ release, refute gov’t claims    Members of a revolutionary women’s group marched in downtown Manila to press for the release of Wilma Austria-Tiamzon and Benito Tiamzon, alleged leaders of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and peace consultants for the underground umbrella group National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Their faces covered in masks, members of Makabayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (Makibaka), an allied organization of NDFP, carried CPP and New People’s Army (NPA) flags and placards condemning the arrest of Austria and Tiamzon, who along with five others, were captured by combined military and police elements in Carcar City, Cebu on Saturday, March 22. The lightning rally was also conducted a few days before NPA’s 45th anniversary on March 29. Malaya Libertad, Makibaka spokesperson, described Austria as an epitome of a revolutionary woman. “She should be exalted and not be incarcerated like an ordinary criminal,” Libertad said. “She should be released immediately especially that her health is failing.” She added that unlike President Aquino, the Tiamzons personally oversaw relief and rehabilitation efforts for victims of typhoon Yolanda in Eastern Visayas. Austria, Libertad said, was in the forefront of rehabilitation efforts specifically for women and children.   Illegal arrest? In her letter obtained by Pinoy Weekly, Wilma Austria said that at the time of their arrest, they were carrying identification cards and safe conduct passes issued through the Joint Agreement on Immunity and Safety Guarantee (Jasig). Austria said the arresting officers did not give recognition to it and instead confiscated the documents. Military and government officials insist that the arrest of the couple and their companions were within legal bounds and denied that the Tiamzons are protected from arrest under Jasig. Alex Padilla, chief negotiator for the Government of the Philippines (GPH), said that the Tiamzons have never been in any peace negotiation. “We had not seen even their shadows,” Padilla said. He also added that NDFP consultants who were released by virtue of Jasig returned to the underground movement and continued fulfilling tasks to overthrow the government. He insisted that that Jasig is inoperational due to the stalled peace negotiations. But the NDFP reiterated that the Jasig is still operational even when negotiations are stalled. “Alex Padilla should not use the issue of (NDFP) consultants who returned in the underground after their release,” Austria said. She said it is imperative for NDFP consultants to be with their constituents. “This is to assure that we strictly follow their genuine interest in the process of peace talks,” Austria explained in her letter. Even former government negotiating panel chairman Silvestre H. Bello III urged the government to honor the Jasig. In a Davao Today report, Bello said, “The JASIG took effect upon signing by the parties and will be in effect until it is terminated by either party through a written notice.” He added that the NDFP has two lists–one bearing real names and the other bearing assumed names or aliases. So far, there has been no official termination of the peace negotiations between GPH and NDFP.   Revolution continues The CPP has dismissed as “hallucination” claims by the military and some personalities that the arrest of Austria and Tiamzon will “doom” the revolutionary movement. It described as “self-delusional” Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Chief-of-Staff Gen. Emmanuel Bautista’s calls for NPA members to surrender. The CPP said that Aquino has failed to address the root causes of the armed conflict. Majority of Filipinos, it said, still suffers from widespread unemployment, low wages, high prices, land grabbing and landlessness. Widespread human rights abuses have also been committed by the AFP, especially in the countryside. The CPP also said that it has a system of “orderly succession” in case its leaders fall in the hands of their enemy. Prof. Jose Maria Sison, CPP founding chairman and currently NDFP’s chief political consultant, meanwhile, dismissed government officials’ claims that the Tiamzons are at odds with him regarding the peace process. “The Tiamzon couple are in support of the peace negotiations. That’s why they are consultants in the peace negotiations. The claims of high officials and military officers of the reactionary government that the Tiamzon couple are at odds with the CPP founding chairman and the NDFP Negotiating Panel is a malicious intrigue,” Sison said.   http://pinoyweekly.org/new/2014/03/revolutionary-groups-press-for-tiamzons-release-refute-govt-claims/  
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in Venezuela President Maduro Arrests 3 Generals in Coup Attempt   
    Venezuela President Maduro Arrests 3 Generals in Coup Attempt   CARACAS – Venezuela President Nicolas Maduro announced the arrest of three Air Force Generals, saying they planned to execute a coup.   “We captured three aviation generals that sought to set the Air Force against the Government. They are with the military courts now,” said Maduro in a meeting with the foreign ministers of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur), who are in Venezuela to investigate the protests that have rocked the country for 7 weeks.   Maduro said that the plot collapsed when the three summoned the Bolivarian National Armed Forces, who turned them in. Maduro added that the group of generals “had contact with sectors of the violent opposition.”   The generals “claimed that this week was going to be the decisive week,” said Maduro.   Maduro claimed that the right to political participation and peaceful protest in Venezuela is fully guaranteed , but “plans to destabilize the country and justify a coup and assassination” would not be allowed.   “Some dream of military intervention from a foreign power,” said Maduro.   MORE…   http://www.laht.com/article.asp?ArticleId=1834314&CategoryId=10717  
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    NDFP condemns illegal arrest of NDFP Consultants Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria
     
     
    By LUIS G. JALANDONI
    Chairperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel
    Member, NDFP National Executive Committee
     
    The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) condemns in the strongest terms the illegal arrest of Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria by the Aquino regime's security forces this afternoon in Carcar, Cebu.
     
    Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria are NDFP Consultants who have fulfilled and are fulfilling highly significant tasks in the peace negotiations between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP/GPH) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP).
     
    Wilma Austria is holder of NDFP Document of Identification ND978226 under her real name. She is holder of the Letter of Acknowledgment signed by then GRP Negotiating Panel Chairman Silvestre H. Bello III which states: The above named person is entitled to the safety and immunity guarantees asprovided under the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) for the duration of the peace negotiations. You are hereby required to facilitate the safe conduct and free passage of the above named person.”
     
    Benito Tiamzon is likewise the holder of NDFP Document of Identification ND 978227 under the assumed name “Crising Banaag”. He is likewise holder of a Letter of Acknowledgment signed by then GRP Negotiating Panel Chairman Silvestre H. Bello III.
     
    The NDFP vigorously demands that Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria be immediately and unconditionally released.
     
    This latest flagrant violation of the JASIG by the Aquino regime, in addition to so many other gross violations of the JASIG, most seriously prejudices the GPH-NDFP peace negotiations.
     
    http://www.ndfp.net/web2014/index.php/peace-talks/2053-ndfp-condemns-illegal-arrest-of-ndfp-consultants-benito-tiamzon-and-wilma-austria
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    21-gun salute for all the heroes of the New People’s Army and the people’s democratic revolution
     
    On the occasion of the 45-year milestone of the New People’s Army (NPA), let us give the highest honors to all fallen Red commanders and fighters of the NPA and heroes and martyrs of the Filipino people’s national democratic revolution.
    Let us pay tribute as well to all the eminent proletarian revolutionaries who have persisted in four decades of arduous struggle and who continue to help lead and guide the people’s democratic revolution as it set its sights on the next higher phase of the people’s war.
    It is with their sacrifices and selflessness that the Filipino people have achieved great victories in waging their national democratic revolutionary struggle. Let us recall and have their names etched forever in the Filipino people’s granite wall memorial which we shall erect at the moment of complete victory of the people’s democratic revolution.
    Let us make use of the upcoming 45th anniversary of the NPA’s establishment to celebrate the people’s victories in waging revolutionary armed struggle, carrying out agrarian revolution to smash land monopolies and improve the conditions of the peasant masses and building the organs of the people’s democratic government from the ground up. Let us prepare to wave bigger struggles as we set our sights to achieving greater victories in the coming years.
    Let us also celebrate the outstanding victories in democratic mass struggles achieved by the Filipino people as they carry forward the struggle for national and social liberation. In the past four decades, they have overthrown two reactionary puppet states and are determined to put an end to the current puppet, oppressive, mendacious and corrupt regime.
    On March 29, 2014, all regional, subregional and front commands of the NPA and units of the people’s militias under their leadership will fall in formation to parade the flags of the Communist Party of the Philippines, the New People’s Army, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines and the People’s Democratic Government and subsequently raise them high above the celebration grounds.
    At high noon, prior to the general public singing of the Internationale, NPA commands and people’s militia units in formation will give a 21-gun salute. Depending on prevailing military and security conditions, different NPA commands and people’s militias can modify this plan by either extending, abbreviating or rendering an alternative gun salute.
    http://www.philippinerevolution.net/statements/20140317_21-gun-salute-for-all-the-heroes-of-the-new-people-s-army-and-the-people-s-democratic-revolution
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in The Last Maoist Village in China   
    In Nanjie Village, locals still wake to loudspeakers blaring "The East Is Red," the classic anthem of People's Republic of China during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. Nanjie, with more than 3,100 residents, is touted as one of the last models of communist China, where the principles of the late Chairman Mao still strictly guide the people's daily lives. In the 1980s, when the rest of China was introducing market reforms, Nanjie went the other direction, collectivizing its farms and industries. Aside from free housing, healthcare, food rations and education, locals working in the village's factories receive an average salary of 2,500 yuan (about $400 USD). Reuters photographer Jason Lee recently traveled to Nanjie, coming back with the photographs below. [20 photos]
     
    http://www.theatlantic.com/infocus/2012/10/the-last-maoist-village-in-china/100378/
     
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    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in Maoists call for favourable atmosphere for talks   
    Maoists call for favourable atmosphere for talks
     
    Hindustan Times 
    Speaking exclusively to HT at a training camp on Jharkhand-Chhattisgarh border, top leaders of CPI Maoist Bihar-Jharkhand-Chhattisgarh Special Area Committee said they were ready for talks with the government provided a favourable atmosphere was created.
    "We have burnt our fingers many times in the past. We lost our top central committee leader Cherikuri Rajkumar alias Azad and politburo member Koteshwar Rao alias Kishenji who went that extra mile to broker peace and were instead killed in cold blood," said the committee secretary Deenbandhu. He asked the governments to immediately release all prisoners of war (Maoists) lodged in various jails and then initiate the peace process.
     
     
    While Azad was killed on July 2, 2010 in Adilabad district of Andhra Pradesh, Kishenji was killed on November 24, 2011 in West Midnapore district of West Bengal.
    Maoists allege both their top leaders were killed in fake encounters. Days before his killing, they said, Azad had begun process for dialogue with the Centre.
    The leaders conceded that the organisation was going through an acute leadership crisis, but quickly asserted that they were used to these ups and downs and would soon bounce back with a vengeance.
    "You may kill us but you cannot kill our ideology," said zonal commander Sanjayji, 50, elucidating the increasing police atrocities on people who supported them.
    "We have not budged from our ideology. We are pro poor people. Allow us to work in a peaceful manner with the farmers and working class. We do not believe in gun power. Guns are not our political weapons. It is for self-defence. We are fighting a political battle," he added.
    Maoists are distributing pamphlets among villagers urging them to raise their voices to secure the release of "revolutionaries, who have been arrested unarmed from bus stops, railway stations, markets, hospitals, homes, marriage functions, even temples and are languishing in jails for years". Some of them, the rebels alleged, were in their seventies and battling old-age related diseases behind bars.
    "Look at the paradox, actor Sanjay Dutt, convicted for terror charges, gets successive paroles but 63-year-old Kobad Ghandy, without a single conviction and battling cancer along with heart conditions, fails to get bail," he said.
    Sanjayji also thanked the Doon School Old Boys' Society for supporting Ghandy's release. "If Ghandy is anti-national, why haven't such charges been leveled against the MPs who threw chairs and sprayed pepper in Parliament, bringing disrepute to the country, globally," asked another rebel leader, Deenbandhu.
     
  17. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in The Murder of Fred Hampton   
    Great video and a great hero. I see a lot on the internet some anarchists trying to claim Black Panthers like Fred Hampton and Huey P Newton. When in reality they were influenced and identified more with Marx, Lenin, Che, Mao,Ho Chi Minh, Castro, etc 
  18. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in The Last Maoist Village in China   
    In Nanjie Village, locals still wake to loudspeakers blaring "The East Is Red," the classic anthem of People's Republic of China during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s. Nanjie, with more than 3,100 residents, is touted as one of the last models of communist China, where the principles of the late Chairman Mao still strictly guide the people's daily lives. In the 1980s, when the rest of China was introducing market reforms, Nanjie went the other direction, collectivizing its farms and industries. Aside from free housing, healthcare, food rations and education, locals working in the village's factories receive an average salary of 2,500 yuan (about $400 USD). Reuters photographer Jason Lee recently traveled to Nanjie, coming back with the photographs below. [20 photos]
     
    http://www.theatlantic.com/infocus/2012/10/the-last-maoist-village-in-china/100378/
     
  19. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in The Murder of Fred Hampton   
    Great video and a great hero. I see a lot on the internet some anarchists trying to claim Black Panthers like Fred Hampton and Huey P Newton. When in reality they were influenced and identified more with Marx, Lenin, Che, Mao,Ho Chi Minh, Castro, etc 
  20. Like
    lenin86 reacted to Lugh Ildánach in The Murder of Fred Hampton   
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2sMUWMkuGYE
     
  21. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in E-Maili sent in protest to European Commissioner for research Máire Geoghegan-Quinn   
    E-Mail sent by Páirtí Poblachtach Dearg
    E-Mail Template to European Commissioner for research Máire Geoghegan-Quinn :   cab-geoghegan-quinn-contact@ec.europa.eu   To the Commissioner   I am writing to you in protest against your continued financial support of Zionist Apartheid and the Genocide of the Palestinian people.   I reiterate the calls you have ignored from Unions and Academics in Ireland asking that you adhere to EU guidelines and immediately cease funding projects that are undertaken within Israeli Settlements in the Occupied West Bank and therefore should not be eligible for the funding that you continue to grant to them.    I also request that your granting of funding applications to Irish Universities who are involved in researching and developing weaponry and materials for Israel is ended forthwith.   By allocating funding to projects which ultimately lead to further suffering for the Palestinian People and in doing so outside EU guidelines you are awarding Zionism, the genocide of the Palestinian people, with official EU and State recognition and support.    You are also infringing upon the alleged neutrality of the Irish state, as an elected representative of the Irish state, you are actively contributing to the Israeli Defence Forces and their genocide in Palestine.   You need to stop.    Is mise le meas  
     
    Páirtí Poblachtach Dearg
     
  22. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Fodla32 in E-Maili sent in protest to European Commissioner for research Máire Geoghegan-Quinn   
    E-Mail sent by Páirtí Poblachtach Dearg
    E-Mail Template to European Commissioner for research Máire Geoghegan-Quinn :   cab-geoghegan-quinn-contact@ec.europa.eu   To the Commissioner   I am writing to you in protest against your continued financial support of Zionist Apartheid and the Genocide of the Palestinian people.   I reiterate the calls you have ignored from Unions and Academics in Ireland asking that you adhere to EU guidelines and immediately cease funding projects that are undertaken within Israeli Settlements in the Occupied West Bank and therefore should not be eligible for the funding that you continue to grant to them.    I also request that your granting of funding applications to Irish Universities who are involved in researching and developing weaponry and materials for Israel is ended forthwith.   By allocating funding to projects which ultimately lead to further suffering for the Palestinian People and in doing so outside EU guidelines you are awarding Zionism, the genocide of the Palestinian people, with official EU and State recognition and support.    You are also infringing upon the alleged neutrality of the Irish state, as an elected representative of the Irish state, you are actively contributing to the Israeli Defence Forces and their genocide in Palestine.   You need to stop.    Is mise le meas  
     
    Páirtí Poblachtach Dearg
     
  23. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in PHILIPPINE SOCIETY AND REVOLUTION   
    http://karlomongaya.files.wordpress.com/2013/12/guerrero-amado-philippine-society-and-revolution.pdf
     
  24. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in PHILIPPINE SOCIETY AND REVOLUTION   
    http://karlomongaya.files.wordpress.com/2013/12/guerrero-amado-philippine-society-and-revolution.pdf
     
  25. Like
    lenin86 got a reaction from Lugh Ildánach in New Peoples Army \ Communist Party of the Philippines   
    NPA rebels own up deadly attacks in Philippines; vow to strike at plantations, mining firms
     
    DAVAO CITY (Mindanao Examiner / Mar. 11, 2014) – Communist rebels have owned up to daring and deadly attacks on police and military targets in the southern Philippines that killed at least a dozen people.

    Dencio Madrigal, a spokesman for the New People's Army-Valentine Palamine Command, said the attacks on a police base and military forces in Davao del Sur’s Matanao town were punishment for their “reign of terror” against indigenous tribes and other communities opposing mining operations in the province.

    “The March 10 police headquarters raid and ambush demonstrated the NPA’s determination to punish the fascist AFP and PNP units operating in Davao del Sur and its boundaries. The 39th Infantry Battalion remains as security forces and fascist thugs of Glencore Xstrata - a mining giant poised to continue to exploit the nearly 100,000 hectares of mining-rich ancestral lands of Lumad Blaans and peasants in the region.”

    “The AFP and PNP units in Matanao and other towns in Davao del Sur deserved to be disarmed and punished because in their defense of Xstrata mining, they have killed, injured, discharged aerial bombs, all part of their reign of terror against the Lumad and settlers communities who have fiercely battled against mining since 1992 when the project was still under the Western Mining Corporation,” Madrigal said in a statement sent to the regional newspaper Mindanao Examiner.

    Madrigal said rebel forces seized seven M16 automatic rifles and several ammunition vests, two 9 mm pistols, one .45-caliber pistol, and a radio communication set from the police headquarters. He said the raid left 3 policemen and two other lawmen were killed in the fighting that also left two rebels dead.

    He also accused the police of coddling drug pushers and other criminal syndicates in the province. “They are, thus, legitimate targets of the people’s army at any time of the year,” he said.

    Madrigal also condemned the arrest of 9 innocent civilians on suspicion they were part of the NPA forces that attacked in Matanao town. “Their failure at intelligence work, notwithstanding, the Matanao PNP trained its eyes against nine hapless civilians, namely, Renante Urot, Joey Alberca, Rufoboy Gama, Laudemer Gama, Noel Morangit, Roger Natonton, Julio Sales, John Rey Pabillo and Christopher Sales.”

    “The police tagged them as NPA members and arrested the group after the raid, at 7 in the morning. The civilians were on their way to attend a fiesta at Barangay Savoy in Matanao when they were illegitimately arrested,” he said.

    Madrigal said 9 soldiers were also killed, including Lt. Ludevico Alejo; and 7 more wounded after rebels remotely detonated a military truck carrying reinforcements in the village of Asbang. He also dismissed allegations by the Eastern Mindanao Command that the NPA has been using landmines. 

    “It is hypocritical for the Philippine government and the AFP to condemn the NPA’s continued use of command detonated explosives as the latter's main weapon of choice for guerrilla warfare. The country’s mining laws and the state’s counter-insurgency policy, the Oplan Bayanihan, have resulted in the massive and indiscriminate pillage of resources, killings, and displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilian communities,” he said, adding mining companies are legitimate target of the NPA.

    NPA targets

    Jorge Madlos, a regional rebel spokesman, has previously warned mining firms and fruit plantations in the southern Philippines.

    “Military operations in Mindanao have escalated and have become more extensive with the aim to thwart the ever growing and widespread people’s protest against destructive mining operations and plantations owned by imperialists, the big comprador bourgeois and big landlords. “

    “After having ravaged the environment by way of wanton logging, imperialists and the local ruling clique insidiously intend to inflict even greater devastation to the environment; and, to deprive, oppress and exploit further the Lumads, Moro, peasants and workers in order to satiate their greed for super profit,” he said.

    Madlos said among their targets are Russell Mines and Minerals, Apex Mining Corp. and Philco in southern Mindanao; Dolefil, Del Monte and Sumifru plantations in northern Mindanao; TVI Resource Development Philippines whose operations in ancestral domain of indigenous Subanen and Moro tribes are being opposed by the rebel group.

    “If one recalls, more than 400 families were forced to evacuate their ancestral lands because of TVI and the ruthless military operations that ensued to protect it in Buug, Zamboanga del Sur. In order to defend the people’s human rights and general wellbeing, the NPA launched tactical offensives against TVI as well as against units of the AFP-PNP-CAFGU protecting it, such as the ambush on February 2012 that hit elements of the army intelligence group operating on the behest of TVI and the imposition of the local government to allow TVI mining operations on Subanen ancestral lands is one of the bases the NPA raided on April 9, 2012 the PNP station in Tigbao, Zamboanga del Sur,” Madlos said.

    NPA rebels also intercepted a group of army soldiers who were using a borrowed truck from TVI and disarmed them in Diplahan town in Zamboanga Sibugay province two years ago. The rebels also burned the truck before releasing the soldiers.

    “In view of these events, the NDFP in Mindanao calls upon the Lumad and Moro peoples, peasants and workers, religious and other sectors to further strengthen their unity and their courage to oppose the interests of imperialist mines and plantations, which are exceedingly damaging to Mindanao, to its people and to the environment. We call upon the units of the NPA in Mindanao to be ever more daring in their defense of people’s interests against the greed and rapacity of the local ruling classes and their imperialist master,” Madlos said. 

    TVI Resource Development Philippines has repeatedly denied all accusations against them. It recently ended its gold mining operation in Mount Canatuan in Zamboanga del Norte’s Siocon town after several years of operations and now has a gold-silver project in the town of Bayog in Zamboanga del Sur province and a nickel plant in Agusan del Norte province.

    It is among mining companies operating in Zamboanga del Sur and Zamboanga del Norte that had been attacked in the past by Muslim and communist rebels. (Mindanao Examiner)
     
    http://www.mindanaoexaminer.com/news.php?news_id=20140311105212
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