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jkleoc

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jkleoc last won the day on January 9 2013

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About jkleoc

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  1. Hopefully this was the approriate place to post this!
  2. As part of the Seven Signatories Manifesto launched by Republican Sinn Féin the over Easter 2013 period we have here the International Affairs section which was first published at the Irish Anti-Imperialist Forum in Belfast as a counter summit to the imperialist G8 summit which was held in County Fermanagh. 1) SEVEN SIGNATORIES MANIFESTO / 2) RSF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS POLICY
  3. Sadly Ireland is a hub of imperial and capitalist interests for the minute. Certainly the aim of Sinn Féin Poblachtach long term is to eradicated this, but a realistic step by step process will need to be initiated and this is the basis and aim also of the Éire Nua and Saol Nua proposals. Around a new political framework (EN) a new economic model (SN) can come to full realisation, once in progress then too can we see the nationalisation of key national and natural resources. The benefits will need to be apparent for the people. The people in our country are so subsumed by ignorance into accepting the privatisation of our countries key industries and resources that it will be a long process and also an educational one but one which will need militancy to expel the current institutions.
  4. This is true. Well Éire Nua just provides for a new political framework. From here a new economic model can be built around it. Saol Nua - A New Way of Life outlines this. It places much emphasis on strengthening local economies and bringing Ireland's vast resources under public ownership.
  5. The main speech in full delivered by Bernadette Devlin McAliskey: Here she speaks about the continued use of Internment in the O6C:
  6. Martin Corey through his legal team, by way of a judicial review, challenged the Six-County parole commissioners ruling that his continued internment did not breach his human rights. The judges found that there was enough ‘open material’ to warrant Martin remaining in jail: “there are allegation’s of specific conduct”, they claimed – though the judges did not see the evidence for themselves as the material was closed even to them. Martin’s legal team had argued that they could not conduct a proper defence for him because they did not have access to the “closed material” containing the allegations, which led to his licence being revoked. Chief Justice Morgan stated on December 21 that a “special advocate had had access to the material and instructed the judges as to the acceptability or otherwise of the contents”. This begs the question: who had/has power in the courts/justice department in the occupied Six Counties to keep Martin Corey locked up? The judges, who never saw the “closed material” so had no first-hand knowledge of what so-called evidence was used against Martin? The British secretary of state? Or the British-appointed and faceless advocate? In this case the advocate gave the final say to the judges, so it is on his/her say-so this time that Martin remains interned; at Martin’s last court appearance it was the British secretary of state who had the final say, he overruled Justice Treacy; and initially it was on the word of another British secretary of state that Martin was interned in the first place. For over two-and-a-half-years, Martin Corey has remained in limbo in Maghaberry jail. Arrested on the instructions of the then British secretary of state Shaun Woodward’s “secret evidence” and taken to Maghaberry in April 2010, no charges have been levelled against him since. Martin has never been questioned or interrogated about any offence/crime since he was taken from his home, nor was his home raided on the morning he was lifted. Several court hearings later and Martin in no wiser as to why the British re-activated his life-sentence. Taking part in the fight against British occupation, Martin was sentenced to life imprisonment in 1973 and released in 1992 – Martin never signed a licence form at that or any other time. On July 9, 2012, Judge Treacy found that evidence solely based on ‘closed material’ was insufficient to keep Martin in jail and ordered his release on unconditional bail while the parole commissioners reconsidered their decision to keep him there. On the same day the [second] British secretary of state Owen Paterson overturned the decision of Justice Treacy and blocked Martin’s release on bail. Martin’s legal team lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court in London, which will be heard at the beginning of February 2013, arguing against the claim that the High Court had no jurisdiction to grant bail in judicial review proceedings. There are many strands to Martin’s case, reference was made at one point to a meeting Martin had with a named man (now deceased) which may or may not have been covertly taped – this was hinted at but it was never elaborated on. Other points were hinted at but again never elaborated on. The vindictiveness of the British state towards Martin Corey should come as no surprise given the evidence emerging now in several cases of blatant collusion between them and loyalist death-squads in Occupied Ireland - the murder of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane being among the most notorious cases - but it all leaves a sour taste. The front page of the Irish News of December 28 makes sickening reading when we see that a top Tory David Waddington wanted to put the Irish hunger strikers on a ship “which could cruise for long periods of time” and bury them at sea if they died on board: “Any of the terrorists (sic) who passed away could be buried at sea...” That mindset is buried in the British establishment psyche when it comes to dealing with Ireland. The default position of Britain is repression, dehumanisation and demonisation of the Irish people. The proposal to toss the bodies of the hunger strikers into the sea was turned down merely on the grounds of cost. During one of Martin’s many court trials, Justice Treacy asked the barrister for the British Northern Ireland Office (NIO) just how long is this man to remain in prison? He was told in reply that Martin could be held in jail “for the rest of his natural life”. What justice can Martin Corey, and indeed Marian Price, expect from such people? While David Cameron lectures Burma on their human rights record, he fails to address the British state’s own human rights abuses. Martin Corey remains a strong determined man despite the hardship he is suffering. His supporters likewise remain strong and determined despite constant harassment at the hands of the British colonial police in Occupied Ireland. Support for Martin is not confined to Ireland; people in Scotland, Wales, England, the USA, Canada, Australia, and all over Europe as we saw on the International Day of Support for the POWs in November. A final example of the pettiness of the British prison regime is the torn Christmas card received by a well-know human rights lawyer in England from Martin. The card had been torn in two by the censors in Maghaberry prison. Martin is entitled to a yearly review of his incarceration by the parole commissioners. He was denied that hearing this year because of ongoing court cases and it will possibly be March before it come up. In the meantime Martin will have his appeal in the Supreme Court in London heard (in relation to the denial of Justice Treacy’s ruling to release him). The campaign for the release of Martin Corey will continue in 2013. We ask you to join with us in demanding his release from internment. UPDATE: As we go to press, reports are coming from Maghaberry that the prison warders are refusing to recognise the spokesperson of each group in Row House as has been the norm for many years. Requests for the telephone card, tuckshop, bookings for gym attendance etc which have always been requested through a nominated person, will from now on be taken only from each prisoner personally, according the prison warders. Any prisoner who has been granted parole, will have to comply with a compulsory urine test otherwise the parole will be denied. This drugs test by a fancy name NEVER applied to political prisoners. It is a well know fact that political prisoners do not engage in drug taking. The worry here is that the policy of criminalisation being pursued by the British government will negate the goodwill shown by the POWs by the suspension in November of their dirty protest. It proves what Republican Sinn Féin and the Martin Corey Campaign have been saying for several years, that, in conjunction with the powers that be in the British government, it is the prison warders who run the jail, not the governor, not the department of justice in Stormont under David Ford. If the screws don’t want it to happen, then it won’t happen. And the last thing the screws want to happen is a cut in their overtime, which would happen in a well-run, well structured Roe House. POW Dept, Sinn Féin Poblachtach. January 7, 2013 www.ulster.rsf.ie
  7. Professor Tom Devine urged those behind the push for a Glasgow monument to the 100,000 who fled to the city to escape starvation in Ireland in the 1840s to base their campaign on "evidence and analysis of what actually happened" regardless of the "uncomfortable truths" it would throw up. Mr Devine, director of the Scottish Centre of Diaspora Studies at Edinburgh University, is regarded as the leading authority on modern Scottish history. He welcomed plans for a monument but said far from highlighting Glasgow's generosity, almost 50,000 immigrants were sent back to Ireland. He says the massive influx of migrants between 1845 and 1849 was a watershed in anti-Irish and anti-Catholic hostility in Scotland, with sectarian tensions also imported from Ulster. Describing the Irish Famine as "the worst human catastrophe in 19th-century Europe", he also called into question comparisons with the Great Highland Famine of the same era. His intervention has led to calls for him to be part of the expert group deciding what the memorial should be and its setting. The idea has won cross-party and ministerial support. It was given the go-ahead after a council motion linking it with the Scottish Highland Potato Famine. It called for recognition of "the efforts made by Glaswegians at the time to provide relief and sanctuary to those affected, a tradition that continues now as our city and its citizens continue to provide hope and assistance to those throughout the world affected by famine today". But Mr Devine, who has written the definitive text on the Highland Famine and researched the response in Scotland to those fleeing Ireland, said any history had to be "warts and all". He said: "If a historical event of such magnitude and long-term importance is to be justly commemorated it must be done on a foundation of intellectual honesty and integrity. "To allow any commemoration to be founded on comforting myth and unproven beliefs would be to dishonour the victims of those past horrors. "It is to be hoped the organisers of any campaign will therefore base it on impartial academic evidence and analysis of what actually happened – even if that reveals some uncomfortable truths. "To do anything else would be a scandalous betrayal of those of the past who are now deemed worthy of such public commemoration." He added: "It is right that the idea of commemoration should be pursued. The consecutive years of unrelenting distress in the late 1840s and early 1850s were catalytic. "Glasgow would never be the same again. "The population surged as never before, the pressure on the primitive and undeveloped systems of health care and sanitation almost drove the city to breaking point. "The religious map of the west of Scotland changed irrevocably and sectarianism intensified with the huge inward movement of both Catholic and Protestant Irish, bringing in their wake the ancient enmities and hatreds of the north of Ireland. "Yet, miraculously, this vast army of stricken impoverished people and their descendants eventually contributed hugely in a myriad of positive ways to the development of Glasgow's economy, culture and values." SNP councillor Feargal Dalton, who has spearheaded the proposal, said: "While concentrating on the positives when I moved the motion, I did allude to the negative reactions of some, which continues today in some quarters. I would be equally disappointed if any memorial did not capture all aspects of the tragic events. Similarly, any memorial shouldn't be tucked away in the corner of a museum. "This contribution by the eminent historian, Professor Tom Devine, is extremely useful and reminds us of the need to be true to the victims and survivors of this massive human tragedy. "I hope an invitation for Prof Devine to be formally involved in the Memorial Working Group is forthcoming." http://www.nuzhound.com/goto.php?id=223228
  8. Challenge the powerful and rouse the downtrodden New Year Statement from the leadership of Republican Sinn Féin Republican Sinn Féin extends fraternal New Year greetings to friends, comrades and supporters in Ireland and internationally. Millions of working-class people in Ireland and across Europe will greet the coming year with a sense of fear and foreboding. The recent budget announced by the 26-County Administration shows that the unrelenting policy of austerity - dictated by their political masters in Brussels - is not only to be continued but increased, squeezing all sections of our people beyond breaking-point. In the eyes of the political class and their media cheerleaders the working poor and unemployed, the elderly and the young are all expendable. The very concept of a society which can educate its young and care for its sick and elderly is being sacrificed on the altar of the EU’s political and economic ideology of centralised authoritarianism and finance capitalism. The decision by the British Government to host the G8 Summit in Co Fermanagh on June 17 and 18 is highly symbolic and presents an opportunity for progressive forces to make the important connection between the old imperialism in the shape of British occupation of the Six Counties and the new imperialism represented by the economic colonisation of the 26 Counties by the EU/ECB/IMF troika. Republican Sinn Féin will be holding an alternative Anti-Imperialist Forum on the weekend before the G8 summit to present national as well as international alternatives to these twin imperialisms. For Irish Republicans our struggle is both political and economic, anything less would be to ignore the reality of imperialism and consequently to dilute our revolutionary programme. As with James Connolly we believe that it is not enough to merely remove the physical presence of imperialism in the form of British military occupation without creating a New Ireland based on real political and economic democracy; an All-Ireland Federal Democratic Socialist Republic. Ninety years after the death of Liam Mellows his teaching has never been more relevant: “If the Irish people do not control Irish industries, transport, money and soil of the country, then foreign or domestic capitalists will. And whoever control the wealth of a country and processes by which wealth is attained control also its government.” In the Six Counties the process of normalising British Rule continues with the designation of Derry as a “UK City of Culture”. Republican Sinn Féin will be actively opposing this hijacking of the historic Doire Colmcille throughout 2013. The recent revelations arising from the discredited de Silva report into the murder of Belfast human rights lawyer Pat Finucane by a British backed loyalist death-squad, exposes the true face of British rule in Ireland. Today nothing has changed; last year saw an increase in the repression of Republicans and 2013 promises more of the same. We will be once more campaigning for the unconditional release of political internee Martin Corey as well as veteran Republican Marian Price. We take this opportunity to extend New Year’s greetings to the Republican POWs in Maghaberry Prison and pledge them our unstinting support in the latest phase of their fight for political status. By suspending their protest the POWs have placed a serious onus on the Six-County Justice Minister David Ford and the Six-County Prison Service to speedily implement in full the August 2010 Agreement. As the centenary of the historic 1916 Rising approaches, other important centenaries must also be marked. Next year will see three significant centenaries all of which carry a pressing relevance for the Ireland of today. Next August will mark the 100th anniversary of the beginning of the heroic 1913 Lockout when Irish workers struck a telling blow in the universal fight for human dignity and freedom. The coming year will also mark the centenaries of the founding of the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army, both of which would combine in 1916 to form the Irish Republican Army. All will be fittingly marked. For those who doubt the potency and power of history one has only to consider the words of the filmmaker George Morrison in reference to his masterful Mise Éire film covering the revolutionary period in Ireland from the 1890s to 1918: “ I regard Mise Éire as being a great anti-imperialist document.” History, if utilised correctly, can awaken and inspire the brightest and best of a generation to the possibilities of radical change in the present and the future. We must resist all attempts to sanitise and package our history in a way that will rob it of its meaning and message for the Ireland of today. Rather than merely commemorating the past we must set out a programme for the future that will challenge the powerful and rouse the down trodden. As Connolly warned a national movement must prove itself capable of: “Formulating a distinct and definite answer to the problems of the present and a political and economic creed capable of adjustment to the wants of the future.” We appeal to the Irish people to awaken to the realisation that they possess the power to bring about true political and economic change, not the chattering classes in Leinster House. Electing politicians to the corrupt Lenister House institution will not deliver the revolutionary change that is demanded by the present political and economic conditions. As the only political organisation which rejects the two partition states in their entirety, Republican Sinn Féin is best positioned to lead the struggle for a New Ireland worthy of the ideals set out in the 1916 Proclamation. An Ireland which would harness our natural resources for the betterment of this and future generations, an Ireland which would truly “cherish all the children of the national equally”. In the lead up to 2016 we will be unveiling a series of seven specific polices covering areas such as natural resources, banking, economic development etc, all based on our political, social and economic polices ÉIRE NUA and SAOL NUA. We can only truly honour the men and women of 1916 by making the All-Ireland Republic of Easter Week a reality for all sections of our people. In 2013 let the slogan of the 1913 Lockout ring in our ears: “The great appear great because we are on our knees: Let us rise.” An Phoblacht Abú!
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